mohammad ali jauhar essay in urdu

مولانا محمد علی جوہر

Back to: 12th Class Urdu Notes Sindh Board | Chapterwise Notes

• سبق : مولانا محمد علی جوہر
• مصنف : رشید احمد صدیقی
• ماخوذ : گنجہائے گرانمایہ

سوال ۲ : رشید احمد صدیقی نے مولانا محمد علی جوہر کے بارے میں جو کچھ لکھا ہے اسے اپنے الفاظ میں تحریر کیجیے۔

تعارفِ سبق : سبق ” مولانا محمد علی جوہر “ کے مصنف کا نام ” رشید احمد صدیقی “ ہے۔ یہ سبق کے آپ کی کتاب ” گنجہائے گرانمایہ “ سے ماخوذ کیا گیا ہے۔

تعارفِ مصنف

رشید احمد صدیقی ایک اچھے استاد محقق اور ناقد بھی تھے مگر ان کی اصل وجہ شہرت طنز و مزاح کے میدان میں ان کی جولانی طبع کی بدولت مستحکم ہوتی ہے۔ رشید صاحب کی تحریروں کی سب سے بڑی خصوصیت ان کی طبعیت میں غور و فکر ہے۔ رشید احمد صاحب نے طنز و ظرافت کا پیرایہ اختیار کیا اور نصف صدی تک اس میدان کے نمایاں شہ سوار بنے رہے، مگر ان کے مطالعے میں ایک ایسی منزل بھی ہے جب وہ اپنے دور کے بعض ادبی میلانات اور ان کی اہمیت یا عدم اہمیت کے بارے میں قطعی فیصلہ بھی صادر کرتے ہیں، اس مقام پر ان کی شخصیت کا جو پہلو بہت نمایاں معلوم ہوتا ہے، وہ یہ ہے کہ رشید صاحب اپنی لطیف الطبعی کے باوصف بے حد سنجیدہ بھی تھے۔

”ولادت و مادر زاد ہوتی ہے لیکن محمد علی کی موت خانہ زاد تھی۔“ اس سبق میں مصنف دراصل یہ بتا رہے ہیں کہ ہر انسان کو پیدا اس کی ماں کرتی ہے اور ہر بچہ اپنے والدین کے نام سے پہچانا جاتا ہے۔ لیکن مولانا محمد علی جوہر کی شخصیت اتنی منفرد تھی کہ ان کی موت بھی انہوں نے خود چُنی تھی اور ان کی موت سے یوں لگا تھا جیسے پورا خاندان کی موت ہوگئی ہو۔ اور یہی بات انھیں منفرد بناتی تھی۔ مصنف کہتے ہیں کہ مولانا محمد علی جوہر قدرت کا ایک ایسا نمونہ تھے جسے ہم قدرت کا آرٹ کہہ سکتے ہیں۔ وہ منفرد تھے اور ہر بات میں اپنے آپ کو صحیح گردانتے تھے۔ وہ ہمیشہ ہر کام میں اگے اگے نظر آتے تھے۔ مصنف مولانا جوہر کے منفرد ہونے کی حد کو بتاتے ہوئے کہتے ہیں کہ آپ کی موت کے بعد ہر نشیب فراز میں بدل گیا تھا اور فراز اور زیادہ اونچا ہوگیا تھا۔ یعنی آپ کی موت نے انسانوں کو بہت سا فائدہ دیا۔ مصنف لکھتے ہیں کہ محمد علی نے ہمارے خون کی رگوں میں دوڑنا پھرنا ہی نہیں بتایا بلکہ وہ آج خود ہماری آنکھوں سے خون بن کر ٹپک رہے ہیں۔ یہاں مصنف مولانا جوہر کے کارنامے بیان کررہے ہیں اور کہتے ہیں کہ مولانا نے مسلمانوں کے لہو کو گرمایا اور ان ہی کی ہمت دلانے کی وجہ سے مسلمانوں کا لہو آنکھوں سے ٹپکنا شروع ہوا اور وہ اتنے باہمت بنے کہ اپنا ملک حاص کرسکیں۔ وہ کہتے ہیں مولانا ہر ماں کی آغوش کا چاند تھے ، آپ ہر نوجوان کی ہمت تھے اور ہر عزیز شخص کی راحت کا ساماں کرتے تھے۔ آپ ہر کسی کو اس کے مسئلے کو حل کرنے میں مدد کرتے تھے۔ مصنف کہتے ہیں کہ جب مولانا تقریر کرتے تھے تو یوں لگتا تھا کہ ابوالہول کی آواز مصر کے اہرام سے ٹکرا رہی ہے۔ وہ لکھتے بھی اتنا جاندار تھے کہ پڑھنے والے کو جھنجھوڑ کر رکھ دیتے تھے اور جب وہ سوچتے تو لگتا تھا کہ اتنا منفرد ہے جتنا شاہجہاں کا محل منفرد تھا۔ مصنف کہتے ہیں کہ مولانا صاحب قناعت پسند تھے۔ آپ کو اتنا امیر کردیا جاتا کہ آپ کے پاس سریر سلیماں ہوتی یا آپ کی غربت کا یہ عالم ہوتا کہ آپ کے پاس بوریائے بوذر ہوتی آپ کے لیے یہ دونوں حالتیں یکساں تھیں اور آپ کو اس سب سے کچھ فرق نہیں پڑتا تھا۔ اس لیے موت بھی آپ کا کچھ نہیں بگاڑ سکتی تھی۔

سوال ۱ : مندرجہ ذیل عبارات کی وضاحت کیجیے۔

(الف) ولادت و مادر زاد ہوتی ہے لیکن محمد علی کی موت خانہ زاد تھی۔

حوالہ سبق : یہ اقتباس ہماری بارہویں جماعت کی کتاب کے سبق ” مولانا محمد علی“ سے لیا گیا ہے۔ اس سبق کے مصنف کا نام ” رشید احمد صدیقی“ ہے۔

وضاحت : اس جملے میں مصنف دراصل یہ بتا رہے ہیں کہ ہر انسان کو پیدا اس کی ماں کرتی ہے اور ہر بچہ اپنے والدین کے نام سے پہچانا جاتا ہے۔ لیکن مولانا محمد علی جوہر کی شخصیت اتنی منفرد تھی کہ ان کی موت بھی انہوں نے خود چُنی تھی اور ان کی موت سے یوں لگا تھا جیسے پورا خاندان کی موت ہوگئی ہو۔ اور یہی بات انھیں منفرد بناتی تھی۔

(ب) شخصیت کی اسی جلوہ گری کا نام آرٹ ہے۔۔۔صحیح اور گراں مایہ۔

حوالہ سبق : یہ اقتباس ہماری بارہویں جماعت کی کتاب کے سبق ” مولانا محمد علی“ سے لیا گیا ہے۔ اس سبق کے مصنف کا نام ”رشید احمد صدیقی“ ہے۔

وضاحت : اس جملے میں مصنف کہتے ہیں کہ مولانا محمد علی جوہر قدرت کا ایک ایسا نمونہ تھے جسے ہم قدرت کا آرٹ کہہ سکتے ہیں۔ وہ منفرد تھے اور ہر بات میں اپنے آپ کو صحیح گردانتے تھے۔ وہ ہمیشہ ہر کام میں اگے اگے نظر آتے تھے۔

(ج) ان کی موت نے ہر نشیب کو فراز اور ہر فراز کو پرشوکت بنادیا۔

وضاحت : اس جملے میں مصنف مولانا جوہر کے منفرد ہونے کی حد کو بتارہے ہیں اور کہتے ہیں کہ آپ کی موت کے بعد ہر نشیب فراز میں بدل گیا تھا اور فراز اور زیادہ اونچا ہوگیا تھا۔ یعنی آپ کی موت نے انسانوں کو بہت سا فائدہ دیا۔

(د) محمد علی نے ہمارے خون کی رگوں میں دوڑنا پھرنا ہی نہیں بتایا بلکہ وہ آج خود ہماری آنکھوں سے خون بن کر ٹپک رہے ہیں۔

وضاحت : اس جملے میں مصنف مولانا جوہر کے کارنامے بیان کررہے ہیں اور کہتے ہیں کہ مولانا نے مسلمانوں کے لہو کو گرمایا اور ان ہی کی ہمت دلانے کی وجہ سے مسلمانوں کا لہو آنکھوں سے ٹپکنا شروع ہوا اور وہ اتنے باہمت بنے کہ اپنا ملک حاص کرسکیں۔

(ہ) وہ آغوش مادر، ہازوئے برادر اور راحت عزیزاں تھے۔

وضاحت : اس جملے سے مصنف کی مراد یہ ہے کہ مولانا ہر ماں کی آغوش کا چاند تھے ، آپ ہر نوجوان کی ہمت تھے اور ہر عزیز شخص کی راحت کا ساماں کرتے تھے۔ آپ ہر کسی کو اس کے مسئلے کو حل کرنے میں مدد کرتے تھے۔

(د)بولتے تو معلوم ہوتا ابوالہول کی آواز اہرام مصر سے ٹکرارہی ہے۔ لکھتے تو معلوم ہوتا کرپ کے کار خانے میں توپیں چل رہی ہیں یا پھر شاہجہاں کے ذہن میں تاج کا نقشہ مرتب ہو رہا ہے۔

وضاحت : اس جملے میں مصنف کہتے ہیں کہ جب مولانا تقریر کرتے تھے تو یوں لگتا تھا کہ ابوالہول کی آواز مصر کے اہرام سے ٹکرا رہی ہے۔ وہ لکھتے بھی اتنا جاندار تھے کہ پڑھنے والے کو جھنجھوڑ کر رکھ دیتے تھے اور جب وہ سوچتے تو لگتا تھا کہ اتنا منفرد ہے جتنا شاہجہاں کا محل منفرد تھا۔

(ز) بوریائے بوذر اور سریر سلیمان کو یکساں سمجھنے والے کی موت آخر کیا شہادت دیتی۔

وضاحت : اس جملے میں مصنف کہتے ہیں کہ مولانا صاحب قناعت پسند تھے۔ آپ کو اتنا امیر کردیا جاتا کہ آپ کے پاس سریر سلیماں ہوتی یا آپ کی غربت کا یہ عالم ہوتا کہ آپ کے پاس بوریائے بوذر ہوتی آپ کے لیے یہ دونوں حالتیں یکساں تھیں اور آپ کو اس سب سے کچھ فرق نہیں پڑتا تھا۔ اس لیے موت بھی آپ کا کچھ نہیں بگاڑ سکتی تھی۔

سوال ۳ : “اسلام زندہ ہوتا ہے ہر کربلا کے بعد” اس عنوان سے ایک مضمون لکھیے۔

اسلام زندہ ہوتا ہے ہر کربلا کے بعد :.

جو دین محمد عربی ﷺ نے امت تک پہنچانے کی زمہ داری پوری کی وہ دین چند دہائیوں بعد یکسر بدل گیا۔ لوگ کم تولنے لگے، منافقت کرنے لگے، وعدوں کی پاسداری ہرگز نہ کرتے تھے۔ لوگوں میں قتل و غارت طول پکڑتی جارہی تھی۔ تب حاکم وقت کے سامنے نوسہ رسول ﷺ نے حق گوئی کا اعلان کیا۔ یہ فقط اس بات کا ثبوت تھا کہ میرے نانا کا دین یوں نہیں جو اس وقت اقتدار میں ہے۔ ظالم جابر حکمران نے رعایا پر ہر قسم کا جبر کیا تو بلآخر حسین ابن علی علیہ سلام نے دعوت حق کے لیے میدان میں علم بلند کیا۔ وہ حق کے لیے کھڑے ہوئے اور حق کے لیے ہی جان بھی دے دی۔

انھوں نے ناصرف اپنی جان کا نذرانہ پیش کیا بلکہ اپنے کنبے و ہم خیال لوگوں کو بھی حق کے لیے صف اول میں لاکھڑا کیا۔ ان کی بے دردی سے شہادتیں آج تک ہمیں ان کی قربانی کو یاد دلاتی ہیں، جو انھوں نے دین کی خاطر دیں۔ تمام لوگ دین کی بےحرمتی پر خاموش تھے، مگر نواسہ رسول ﷺ نے جان دے کر دین کے اصل معنی واضح کر دیئے۔ ہم آج بھی ان کو یاد کرتے ہیں اور ان کے شکرگزار ہیں کہ ان کی وجہ سے ہم دین کی اصل پہچان کر سکتے ہیں۔ ہر کربلا کے بعد دین زندہ ہوتا ہے جو کہ حسین علیہ سلام اور ان کے قافلے کی دین ہیں۔ اور اس وقت کا حکمران جو چاہتا تھا اسے یاد رکھا جائے اور جو خدائی دعوی کرتا تھا وہ اسی وقت بےموت مارا گیا جب کہ حسین علیہ سلام اور ان کا قافلہ آج تک زندہ ہے اور انھیں آج تک یاد کیا جاتا ہے اور ہمیشہ یاد کیا جاتا رہے گا۔

سوال ۵ : ایسے پانچ جملے لکھیے جن میں فاعل کے ساتھ تو حرف استعمال کیا گیا ہو لیکن مفعول کے ساتھ کوئی حرف نہ ہو۔

سوال ٦ : آپ “ کیوں کہ ” کو حرف علت کے طور پر تین جملوں میں استعمال کیجیے۔

• اردو, Vol # 97, Issue # 1

مولانا محمد علی جوہر: برطانوی سامراج، سیاست، صحافت، شاعری اور آزادیِ ہند کے تناظر میں

• Read online
• Dr. Saqib Riaz /
• June 30, 2021

Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar: British Imperialism, Politics, Journalism, Poetry and in the context of Independance of India

The charismatic personality of Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar is well known all over the sub-continent. He was an eminent journalist, intellectual, orator and poet. He had a great command over both English and Urdu languages. To serve in the field of Politics and Journalism he left the government service. He brought out English and Urdu newspapers; The Comrade and The Hamdard . Through his newspapers he raised strong voice against British imperialism and informed the common people of the imperialistic atrocities and the value of freedom. He also conveyed the same message in his sensational poetry. The aim of this article is to describe how he faced the British ruler in India and rallied the Indian Muslims for freedom.

1.    Mahatma Gandhi, Talash-e-Haq , Trans. By Dr. Syed Abid Hussain, (Delhi: Maktaba-e-Jamia, n. d.), p. 166

2.    Syed Rais Ahmed Jafri, Mataibat-e-Muhammad Ali , (Hyderabad Deccan: Idara-e-Isha’at-e-Urdu, 1945), p. 14

3.    Dr. Sami Ahmed, Urdu Sahafat aur Tehreek-e-Azadi , (Delhi: Modern Publishing House, 2009), p. 78

4.    Syed Rais Ahmed Jafri, Mataibat-e-Muhammad Ali , p. 13

6.  Prof. Khaleeq Ahmed Nizami, Hindustan Ki Siyasi Baidar mein Maulana Muhammad Ali ka Hissa , in Jauhar Nama , ed., Hakeem Muhammad Irfan-ul-Hussaini, (Calcutta: Muhammad Ali Library, 1987), p. 22

7.   Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar, Kalam-e-Jauhar , ed., Maulana Abdul Majid Daryabadi, (Delhi: Maktaba-e-Jamia, 1936), p. 13

8.   Shakeel Rehmani & Others, ed., Aks-e-Sha’ur (Ba yadgaar Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar), (Najeebabad: Ghalib Academy, 1985), p. 42

1.   Ahmed, Sami, Dr., Urdu Sahafat aur Tehreek-e-Azadi , Delhi: Modern Publishing House, 2009

2.   Gandhi, Mahatmai, Talash-e-Haq , Trans. By Dr. Syed Abid Hussain, Delhi: Maktaba-e-Jamia, n. d.

3.   Jafri, Rais Ahmed, Syed, Mataibat-e-Muhammad Ali , Hyderabad Deccan: Idara-e-Isha’at-e-Urdu, 1945

4.   Jauhar, Muhammad Ali, Maulana, Kalam-e-Jauhar , ed., Maulana Abdul Majid Daryabadi, Delhi: Maktaba-e-Jamia, 1936

5.  Nizami, Khaleeq Ahmed, Prof., Hindustan Ki Siyasi Baidar mein Maulana Muhammad Ali ka Hissa , in Jauhar Nama , ed. Hakeem Muhammad Irfan-ul-Hussaini, Calcutta: Muhammad Ali Library, 1987

6.    Rehmani, Shakeel & Others, ed., Aks-e-Sha'oor (Ba Yadgaar Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar), Najeebabad: Ghalib Academy, 1985

Dr. Saqib Riaz

Associate Prof. Dept. of Mass communication, Allama Iqbal Open University, Islamabad

• [email protected]
• 0092 51 9057828

History of Islam

An encyclopedia of Islamic history

Mohammed Ali Jauhar (1878-1931) and the Origins of Pakistan

By Professor Nazeer Ahmed

Mohammed Ali Jauhar was a product of the Aligarh movement and a principal figure in the historical processes that resulted in the emergence of Pakistan. To appreciate the contributions of this towering personality one must retrace the footprints of history in the latter part of the nineteenth century. The decimation of the Muslim aristocracy in northern India following the uprising of 1857 created a political vacuum which left the masses despondent and rudderless. A new order had come into being, dictated by British imperial interests in which the prerequisite for advancement and prosperity was acquiescence to, and adaptation of western education and cultural values. The Muslims distrusted the new order as hostile to their own values, beliefs and traditional educational systems. The distrust was mutual. The British, on their part, looked askance at the Muslims whose rule they had usurped in large parts of the subcontinent through conquest, diplomacy or deceit. a principal figure

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan broke this cycle of mutual distrust. Convinced that the advancement of Indian Muslims lay in acquiring the knowledge and wisdoms of the west and integrating them with traditional Islamic education, he moved into the educational arena and founded the institution, which in time evolved into Aligarh Muslim University. The Aligarh movement was a giant leap forward from the medieval to the modern age but the passage was not as smooth as Sir Syed had envisioned. Traditional school systems sprang up in Deoband, Nadva and other centers of learning, juxtaposed with the modernist Aligarh system. The graduates of the traditional schools had little understanding of the modern west while the graduates of Aligarh often were lacking in the traditional disciplines. The tensions between the traditional and the reformist persisted into the twentieth century, and indeed, they persist even to this day.

Mohammed Ali, one of three Ali brothers, was born into a Pashtun family of UP in 1878. His father, Abdul Ali Khan, passed away when Mohammed Ali was two years old. A bright student, Mohammed Ali studied at Aligarh, and in 1898, won a scholarship to study at Oxford University. Returning to India in 1904 he accepted employment first at Rampur as Director of the education department, then at Baroda in the Administrative services (1906). Later that year he resigned from civil service and dedicated himself to national service. He attended the first conference of the Muslim League in Dhaka in 1906 and, along with Wiqar al Mulk and Muhsin al Mulk, became a principal spokesman for Muslim aspirations on the national scene. Mohammed Ali showed his metal as a writer and a poet at a very early age. He was equally fluent in English and Urdu. The Times of India ran a series on his observations on contemporary affairs in 1907. Some of his early poems, written while he was a student at Aligarh show a remarkable synthesis of revolutionary zeal and Sufi resignation:

Life in its full splendor will arrive after death, O executioner! Our journey starts where your journey ends; Confront you, who can (O executioner)? But— Blessed is my blood after your bleeding; The martyrdom of Hussain is indeed the death of Yazid, The breath of life wakes up the faith of surrender after every Karbala!

His poetry is animated by the passion for righteous action and the power of perseverance. It is this universal appeal that has made him one of the most quoted poets of all times. He sounds off his clarion call to the isolationists in the following words:

Tell those who hide behind curtains to hide in their tombs— The inert—no refuge do they have in this world! He scoffed at titles and sycophancy preferring a higher reward: The occupancy of the chair, that is worth its felicitation, O Jowhar! But higher is the recompense of the Day of Recompense. Neither a seeker of wealth nor a pursuer of honor am I, The mendicants at this door—they ask for something else.

He was an activist. In the pursuit of higher goals he was not afraid of making mistakes:

The intercession of Muhammed is a divine Grace for sure, The Day of Gathering—Ah! That is a feast of Grace for the wrong doers.

There was no journal, and no newspaper that carried the voice of the Muslims. To fill this void Mohammed Ali started the weekly “Comrade” in 1911. Published in English from Kolkata, the journal electrified the Muslim educated class. It was read not just by English speaking Indians but also by the British bureaucrats who wanted to feel the pulse of the Indian political climate. It carried political commentaries, analysis and essays on social issues. The capital of India was shifted from Kolkata to Delhi in 1911. So the publication of “Comrade” was shifted to the new capital. It was soon obvious that to reach the masses, a publication in the Urdu language was required. So Mohammed Ali started a Urdu weekly “Hamdard” in 1911 as a companion publication to “Comrade”. International events of global import soon overtook national events and consumed the attention of the Indian Muslim intelligentsia. The Balkan War of 1911-12, in which the combined forces of Serbia, Bulgaria and Greece attacked the Ottoman Empire with the tacit connivance of Britain, France and Russia, alarmed the Muslim world. Italy invaded Libya and occupied it. There was not much that the large Muslim population of India could do except to petition the British government not to aid and abet the Balkan aggressors. The Maulana spoke up for justice through the voice of Comrade. His strident calls caught the attention of the ruling authorities. The publication of Comrade was stopped and the Maulana was jailed and stayed locked up until 1918.

The guns of World War 1 shattered the peace of the world in 1914. India, a captive colony of Britain, declared war on Germany. The Ottoman Empire entered the conflict ill prepared, goaded into the fray by the Young Turks who miscalculated that the initial rapid advance of the German armies into France presaged a quick victory, and their desire to recover territories lost in the Balkan wars of 1911-12. The Indian army, largely recruited from the region between Delhi and Peshawar, consisted of Muslims, Sikhs and Hindus in roughly equal proportions. It was unceremoniously packed up and dispatched to Iraq and Palestine to fight the soldiers of the Khalifa. The war ended in a disaster for the Turks. The Middle East was carved up and swallowed by the British and French empires. The Arab revolt of 1917 stabbed the Turks in the back, shattering the illusions of pan-Islamism harbored by many Indian intellectuals.

It was not the Ottoman defeat in the Great War but the British attempt to abolish the Caliphate that riled the Indian Muslims and impelled them to political activism. The Caliphate was an institution that had survived the vicissitudes of Islamic history for 1300 years. Most Muslims believed that it was an integral part of Islamic faith. A Khilafat committee was formed in 1920 to apply pressure on the British government on this issue. A delegation headed by Maulana Mohammed Ali was sent to London and returned empty handed later that year. .

The Khilafat movement was a milestone in the history of South Asian Muslims. It brought together ulema like Maulana Hussain Ahmed Madani, secular nationalists like Dr. Saifuddin Kuchlo and Hakim Ajmal Khan, universalists like Maulana Azad and pan-Islamists like Maulana Mohammed Ali under one umbrella, and when it ended it unleashed communal forces whose frenzy propelled the subcontinent into the holocaust that accompanied partition in 1947. It defined the career of Maulana Mohammed Ali who felt that an enslaved India could not successfully resist the international intrigues of the British Empire. Cooperation with the majority Hindu community was essential if India was to achieve its independence. The emergence of this conviction coincided with the rise of Gandhi on the national stage. Gandhi saw in the Khilafat movement a golden opportunity to fuse together the Hindus and the Muslims into an integrated political movement that would force the British out of India. But it was a marriage of convenience in which the national agenda of independence was wedded to the pan-Islamic idea of Indian support for the Khilafat based in far-away Istanbul. The injection of religion into the struggle for independence provided an entry for fringe right wing elements, both Hindu and Muslim, to enter politics. It was an idea fraught with explosive potential for the future of communal harmony in the subcontinent. Indeed, partition was born in the communal politics of the 1920s. Jinnah, a strict constitutionalist and a secular nationalist at the time, saw through this danger and warned his countrymen and fellow Muslims about it. He was opposed to the Khilafat movement. No one listened. Indeed, it estranged Jinnah from Muhammed Ali and the motley collection of scholars and opportunists who had gathered around the issue. It also solidified the estrangement of Jinnah from Gandhi.

The coalition was inherently unstable and it was bound to break up sooner or later. And break up it did in 1922. Gandhi was chosen as the leader of the Khilafat movement in 1920 and he proposed peaceful non-cooperation to compel the British to listen to Indian demands. The movement was launched with much fanfare with the Ali brothers, Maulana Azad and others traversing the country to whip up support from the masses. But India was not ready for peaceful non-cooperation. The situation got out of hand when violence broke out in Chauri Chaura in 1922 and Gandhi called off the struggle leaving its ardent supporters in the lurch. The issue died a peaceful death when the Turkish parliament under Kemal Ataturk abolished the Caliphate in 1924.

The failure of the Khilafat movement compelled the Hindu and Muslim communities to face one another and try to work out a modus operandi. To give a voice to Muslim sentiments, Maulana Mohammed Ali restarted the Comrade weekly in 1924, soon to be followed by its Urdu counterpart, Hamdard. But the India of the 1920s was a changed India from that of the 1910s. Just as Jinnah had warned, communal forces were let loose. Communal riots rocked Nagpur, Meerat and other cities. The Hindu Mahasabha gained traction and in 1925, its president Golwalkar proposed the two-nation theory. A disunited and confused Muslim leadership held several meetings to chart out a vision and a course of action for the future. An all parties conference held in Delhi in 1925, which included representatives of the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League, failed to agree on guidelines for a future constitution for India and instead delegated the task to a committee headed by Motilal Nehru.

The Nehru report was a watershed in the independence struggles of India and Pakistan. The report, compiled by an eleven member committee including two absentee Muslim participants, came up with a unitary concept for the proposed constitution of India with residual powers vested in the center. This was a reflection of the socialist leanings of Jawarharlal Nehru who stayed wedded to top down, planned, government controlled economic models throughout his influential political career, but which had as its corollary the domination of majority views on the minority. The Muslim leadership preferred a federal constitution with residual powers vested in the states. Secondly, the Nehru report abrogated the separate electorate agreements reached between the Congress and the League in 1915 in Lucknow which were brokered by Jinnah. Both of these were unacceptable to the majority of Muslim leadership. Maulana Mohammed Ali failed to convince Gandhi and the Congress party to change these provisions of the Nehru report. In bitterness, he broke with Gandhi and walked away from the Congress.

Maulana Muhammed Ali attended the first round table conference in London in 1931, called by the British to discuss a dominion status for India. It was also attended by Jinnah, Dr. Ambedkar, the Agha Khan, Sardar Ujjal Singh, Tej Bahadur Sapru, B.S. Moonje and others. It ended in failure because the Indian National Congress, the largest political party in India, boycotted it. Mohammed Ali died in London and was buried in Jerusalem as he had wished.

The primary legacy of Maulana Mohammed Ali was to give forceful expression to the voice of his generation through his consummate journalistic and poetic skills. He was at once a nationalist and a mujahid. Addressing one of the meetings of the Khilafat committee, he declared, “As far as the command of God is concerned, I am a Muslim and Muslim alone; as far the issue of India is concerned, I am Indian and Indian alone”. He roused the Muslim masses in support of the Khilafat movement and sought a cooperative independence struggle through Gandhi. In these attempts he failed because he failed to grasp the inherent contradictions in his positions on national and international issues. At the onset of the Khilafat movement he fell out with Jinnah but while in London in 1931, he and his brother Shaukat Ali begged Jinnah to return to India and take charge of the Muslim League. The rest is history.

Reference for further reading: Mujahid e Azam, Maulana Mohammed Ali Jowhar, Farooq Argali, Fareed Book Depot, Delhi

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Muhammad Ali Johar Journalism, Poetry and Struggle for Independence

The charismatic personality of Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar is well known all over the sub-continent. He was an eminent journalist, intellectual, orator and poet. He had a great command over both English and Urdu languages. To serve in the field of Politics and Journalism he left the government service. He brought out English and Urdu newspapers; “The Comrade” and “The Hamdard.” Through his newspapers he raised strong voice against British imperialism and informed the common people of the imperialistic atrocities and the value of freedom. He also conveyed the same message in his sensational poetry. The aim of this article is to describe how he faced the British ruler in India and rallied the Indian Muslims for freedom.

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This topic is important and interesting to be discussed because Muhammad Ali Jauhar was able to compromise both notions of nationalism and Islamism in politics. This excellence idea shows that he was a modern and moderate Islamic thinker. In his belief, the similarity of nationalism and Islamism can be seen through their rejection on colonialism. Even he introduced the importance idea on the unity of Islam and Hindu in order to against British colonialism in India. This idea made him close to Gandhi which then had been changed since Nehru Report published to against his idea on Federation of Faith. After such event, though his Islamic principle basically was so huge and rational, he spent most of his time for Khilafat Movement. He had mission to preserve the existency of Islamic Khilafat in Turkey which he believed as the duty of all the Muslims over the world to show the existence of Muslim brotherhood.

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It is quite intriguing that hugely catastrophic event like the Great Rebellion of 1857 has not figured as a dominant theme in the Urdu fiction, unlike the Partition of 1947, which has found expressions in an extremely large number of Urdu fiction and poetry. This is in contrast with English fiction, which has produced several novels on 1857 in 19th century, viz. Edward Money, The Wife and the World (1859), James Grant, First Love and Last Love (1868), Philip Meadow Taylor, Seeta (1872), J.F. Fanthorne, Mariam (1896). Some of these ‘mutiny’ novels served purposes like furthering imperial ideologies with jingoism and racism, while few others sought to critique the cultural arrogance and restore some amount of racial harmony. But all these novels remain the ‘voice of the victors’. This relative absence or inadequate treatment of the catastrophic theme of 1857 in Urdu fiction has been sought to be explained by some scholars of Urdu. While Qurratulain Hyder, in one of her Urdu short stories, has made a character of the story to express that ‘History is nothing but propaganda of the victors’ (history mahaz faateh qaum ka propaganda hai)’ Published in Rakhshanda Jalil (ed.), Qurratulain Hyder and the River of Fire: The Meaning, Scope, and Significance of Her Legacy, Oxford University Press (Pakistan) and Aakar, Delhi, pp. 120-134 (Chapter 9), ISBN 978-93-5002-100-2. Appreciated by reviewer in Indian Literature, 55, 3, May-June 2011, pp. 270-72.

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Maulana Mohammad Ali Jauhar also known as Mohammad Ali was among the passionate fighters of independence who struggled against the British Colonial Powers. He was born in 1878 in Rampur, India. He belonged to the Yousaf Zai clan of the Rohillatribe to a wealthy and enlightened family of Pathans. He was one of the legendry Ali Brothers other then Shaukat Ali and Zulfiqar Ali. Despite the early death of his father, the efforts, determination and sacrifice by his farsighted mother, Abadi Bano Begum, enabled him and his brothers to get good education. Their mother mortgaged almost all her landed property and sent them to the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College, Aligarh, Both of the Ali Brothers graduated from this College. Mohammad Ali showed exceptional brilliance throughout his College career and stood first in the B.A. examination of the Allahabad University, later in 1898, Mohammad Ali proceeded to Lincoln College, Oxford, for further studies where he got honors degree in Modern History and devoted himself more to the study of history of Islam.

After his return to India, he took charge as education director for the Rampur state, and later for almost a decade served in the Baroda civil service. He possessed remarkable brilliance as a writer and orator, He wrote articles in various newspapers like “The Times”, “The Observer” and “The Manchester Guardian” as well as other major English and Indian newspapers, in both English and Urdu. He was man of a versatile genius and played a great part in the endeavors against the British colonial rule. He was a great orator and still greater Journalist. He became firm opponents of British rule under the combined shock of the Balkan wars and Kanpur Mosque incident in 1913. His relentless determination and ardor in the cause of India’s freedom, and his persistence in pursuing the goal most dear to him won him the respect and affection of his numerous countrymen. He launched his famous weekly The Comrade, in English, from Calcutta, on January 14, 1911, written and edited by one man and produced on expensive paper, The Comrade quickly gained circulation and influence. After twenty months the paper moved to Delhi the then new capital of British Empire. Later in 1913 he started publishing an Urdu-language daily Hamdard as well. Mohammad Ali worked hard to expand the Aligarh Muslim University, then known as the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College, and was one of the co-founders of the Jamia Millia Islamia in 1920, which was later moved to Delhi.

Jauhar was among the founders of All India Muslim League and attended first meeting in Dhaka in 1906. He served as its president in 1918 and remained active in the League till 1928. Being a zealous Muslim and passionate believer of caliphate he played active role in Khilafat movement. He represented the Muslim delegation that travelled to England in 1919 to persuade the British government to influence the Turkish Mustafa Kamal not to depose the Sultan of Turkey, who was the Caliph of Islam. British rejection of their demands resulted in the formation of the Khilafat committee which directed Muslims all over India to protest and boycott the government. In 1921, Ali formed a broad coalition with Muslim nationalists like Shaukat Ali, Hakim Ajmal Khan, Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari and Indian nationalist leader Mahatama Gandhi, who enlisted the support of the Indian National Congress and many thousands of Hindus, who joined the Muslims in a demonstration of unity. He wholeheartedly supported Gandhi’s call for a national civil resistance movement, and inspired many hundreds of protests and strikes all over India. He was arrested by British authorities and imprisoned for two years for what was termed as a seditious speech at the meeting of the Khilafat Conference. He was the sixth Muslim to become the President of Indian National Congress in 1923. Mohammed Ali’s elevation to the Congress president ship helped to legitimize his position in nationalist circles but within months he began to drift away from congress. This had a great deal to do with deteriorating Hindu-Muslim relations and the Congress inclination towards the communal forces of Hindu Mahasabha. Mohammad Ali’s anxieties were heightened by the growing fissures in the Hindu-Muslim alliance in Bengal and Punjab and the rapid progress of the Arya Samaj, the Hindu Mahasabha, and the shuddhi and sangathan. The publication of the Nehru report in August 1928 proved the last nail in the coffin of Hindu Muslim unity. Mohammad Ali Jauhar, in league with some others, disrupted a meeting which was tilted in favor of the Nehru report. Mohammad Ali Jauhar accused Motilal Nehru for ‘killing non-cooperation and deplored Gandhi’s endorsement of the Nehru Report. Mohammad Ali opposed the Nehru Report’s rejection of separate electorates for Muslims, and supported the Fourteen Points of Muhammad Ali Jinnah and the League.

Mohammed Ali pleaded Muslims to send a separate delegation in 1930s London Round Table Conference to represent Muslims. His appeal symbolized the collapse of the old alliance on which Gandhi had built the non-cooperation movement and clearly showed that only Muslim League spoke for the Indian Muslims. Although seriously ill he joined the delegation, led by the Aga Khan, with the firm conviction that critical collaboration with the British at the Round Table Conference would bring greater political benefits. His speech at the Round Table Conference, which turned out to be his last sermon, appeared to be the last wish of dying man, ‘I want to go back to my country, ‘Mohammed Ali declared, ‘with the substance of freedom in my hand. Otherwise I will not go back to a slave country. I would even prefer to die in a foreign country so long as it is a free country, and if you do not give me freedom in India you will have to give me a grave here.’ Mohammed Ali, a chronic patient of diabetes, died soon after the conference in London, on January 4, 1931 in London and was buried in Jerusalem in the court-yard of Masjid-ul-Aqsa, the second holiest mosque of Islam.

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aaj ik aur baras biit gayā us ke baġhair

jis ke hote hue hote the zamāne mere

Maulana Mohammad Ali Jauhar

1878 - 1931 | Delhi , India

One of the prominent leaders of indian freedom movement.

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Sher of Maulana Mohammad Ali Jauhar

3.8K Favorite

saarī duniyā ye samajhtī hai ki saudā.ī hai

ab mirā hosh meñ aanā tirī rusvā.ī hai

sari duniya ye samajhti hai ki saudai hai

ab mera hosh mein aana teri ruswai hai

vaqār-e-ḳhūn-e-shahīdān-e-karbalā kī qasam

yazīd morcha jiitā hai jañg haarā hai

waqar-e-KHun-e-shahidan-e-karbala ki qasam

yazid morcha jita hai jang haara hai

qatl-e-husain asl meñ marg-e-yazīd hai

islām zinda hotā hai har karbalā ke ba.ad

qatl-e-husain asl mein marg-e-yazid hai

islam zinda hota hai har karbala ke baad

• Tag : Karbala

tauhīd to ye hai ki ḳhudā hashr meñ kah de

ye banda zamāne se ḳhafā mere liye hai

tauhid to ye hai ki KHuda hashr mein kah de

ye banda zamane se KHafa mere liye hai

na namāz aatī hai mujh ko na vazū aatā hai

sajda kar letā huuñ jab sāmne tū aatā hai

ablutions I do not know, nor do I know prayer

i just bow in worship whenever you are there

na namaz aati hai mujh ko na wazu aata hai

sajda kar leta hun jab samne tu aata hai

• Translation

vahī din hai hamārī iid kā din

jo tirī yaad meñ guzartā hai

wahi din hai hamari id ka din

jo teri yaad mein guzarta hai

daur-e-hayāt aa.egā qātil qazā ke ba.ad

hai ibtidā hamārī tirī intihā ke ba.ad

daur-e-hayat aaega qatil qaza ke baad

hai ibtida hamari teri intiha ke baad

shikva sayyād kā bejā hai qafas meñ bulbul

yaañ tujhe aap tirā tarz-e-fuġhāñ laayā hai

shikwa sayyaad ka beja hai qafas mein bulbul

yan tujhe aap tera tarz-e-fughan laya hai

tujh se kyā sub.h talak saath nibhegā ai umr

shab-e-furqat kī jo ghaḌiyoñ kā guzarnā hai yahī

tujh se kya subh talak sath nibhega ai umr

shab-e-furqat ki jo ghaDiyon ka guzarna hai yahi

har siina aah hai tire paikāñ kā muntazir

ho intiḳhāb ai nigah-e-yār dekh kar

har sina aah hai tere paikan ka muntazir

ho intiKHab ai nigah-e-yar dekh kar

qaid aur qaid bhī tanhā.ī kī

sharm rah jaa.e shakebā.ī kī

TRANSLATION

Confinement, and that too solitary,

Let the patience retain its modesty.

Sagar Akbarabadi

qaid aur qaid bhi tanhai ki

sharm rah jae shakebai ki

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Mohammad Ali Jauhar Remembered On 92nd Death Anniversary

Sumaira FH Published January 04, 2023 | 12:30 PM

ISLAMABAD, Jan 4 (UrduPoint / Pakistan Point News - 4th Jan, 2023 ) :Mohammad Ali Jauhar, a wearer of many hats ranging from Muslim activist, a prominent member of the All-India Muslim League, journalist, and poet , was remembered here on Wednesday on his 92nd death anniversary.

Mohammad Ali Jauhar was born in 1878 in Rampur . He was schooled in Rampur and Bareily and then graduated with distinction from Aligarh . Pleased with his good performance, his brother, Maulana Shaukat Ali sent him to Oxford where he chose History and Law as his subjects.

Besides English, his mastery of urdu was also perfect. He started a daily Urdu Newspaper 'Hamdard' and English Newspaper Comrade for the public in 1913. He expressed his opinions against the British fearlessly and spent a major part of his life in imprisonment for participating in the Freedom movement.

Jauhar was among the founders of the All-India Muslim League and attended the first meeting in Dhaka in 1906. He served as its president in 1918 and remained active in the League till 1928.

In 1919, he started the Khilafat Movement in which Indian Muslims supported him wholeheartedly. Later, he participated in Non-cooperation Movement. Ali also founded Jamia which is now a Central University.

Apart from being a master author, he had prowess in poetry and prose. He was interested in poetry since his childhood which proved to be a blessing for him.

Jauhar became interested in eternal love for God , 'Ishq-e-Haqeeqi', and two brief collections have been published entitled "Kalam-e-Jauhar'.

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