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I Am Proud of My Cultural Identity

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Updated: 7 November, 2023

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• Chen, K., Shao, A., Jin, Y., & Ng, A. (2020). I Am Proud of My National Identity and I Am superior to You: The Role of Nationalism in Knowledge and Misinformation. Available at SSRN 3758287. (https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3758287)
• Schwartz, S. J., Zamboanga, B. L., & Weisskirch, R. S. (2008). Broadening the study of the self: Integrating the study of personal identity and cultural identity. Social and Personality Psychology Compass, 2(2), 635-651. (https://compass.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1751-9004.2008.00077.x)
• Smolicz, J. (1981). Core values and cultural identity. Ethnic and racial studies, 4(1), 75-90. (https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01419870.1981.9993325?journalCode=rers20)
• Hall, S., & Du Gay, P. (Eds.). (1996). Questions of cultural identity: SAGE Publications. Sage. (https://sk.sagepub.com/books/questions-of-cultural-identity)
• Lucy, S. (2007). Ethnic and cultural identities. In Archaeology of Identity (pp. 96-119). Routledge. (https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9780203087572-10/ethnic-cultural-identities-sam-lucy)

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Being Latina and the struggle of the dualities of two worlds

Reflections on why our identities can help create a better world for all of us.

A few days ago, I attended a Zoom presentation organized by ASUN entitled “What does it mean to be Latinx?” Every time I witness the complexity of identities in the Latinx community in the United States, I am amazed. Amazed that we are always perceived as a homogenous group, when in reality, we couldn’t come from more different backgrounds, and we couldn’t have more different and complex identities. Also, the challenges we face are as different as each of our stories. So, in the spirit of Hispanic Heritage Month, please indulge me in letting me tell you my story.

There is a well-known character in Mexican history that invokes both love and condemnation from most Mexicans. Her name was Malintzin but history knows her as La Malinche . Her story is similar to that of U.S.A.’s Pocahontas ; the beautiful indigenous woman who abandons her tribe to help the white man. (The legends omit how she became the property of such White men, but that’s another story). 

La Malinche was a Nahúatl woman who was given to Hernán Cortés as a slave. Due to her upperclass education, she spoke two languages, an ability that made her very useful to Hernán Cortés in communicating with the indigenous people as he went about conquering Mexico. On one hand, she was intelligent and, clearly, resilient. But on the other hand, she helped Cortés begin the Spanish colonization of the Nuevo Mundo. This duality is what gives her such a complex identity. And this duality is one that follows me.

When I was in high school, several of my classmates would sometimes call me Malinchista . As you can imagine, that was NOT a compliment. By definition, a Malinchista is “a person who denies her own cultural heritage by preferring foreign cultural expressions” (I’m not making it up; look it up).

In my early teens, I discovered American football. While switching channels on the television, I stumbled across a game being played in several feet of snow. I had never seen this! The game was being played in Minnesota. That year, the Dallas Cowboys won the Super Bowl, and I became a die-hard fan of Roger Staubach and “America’s Team.” This marked the initiation of my love for all things American. I learned about Formula 1, Sports Illustrated and Tiger Beat. Yes, Tiger Beat introduced me to the American darlings of my generation. My bedroom walls were covered with pictures of American teen idols I had never seen before in my life (in the 1970s, Mexican TV programming didn’t broadcast many American TV shows; I only remember Dallas and The Partridge Family , which of course, I loved).

I also loved English-language songs. I used to spend my money buying cancioneros , books similar in format and quality to comic books, for people who were learning to play the guitar. The cancioneros had the lyrics of the songs along with the music notes. I literally used these cancioneros to practice my English. I would translate each word of the songs, and then I would play the records over and over until I memorized the lyrics and could actually follow the singer pronouncing the words. Do you know how hard it is to sing at full speed: “Now they know how many holes it takes to fill the Albert Hall?”

By the time I was in college, I had already spent time in the city of Dallas (and yes, I made the pilgrimage to Irving, Texas and the Cowboys’ stadium) – and perfected my English. I started studying English when I entered first grade. By middle school, my parents were paying a private tutor. In Mexico, English was accepted as the lingua franca needed to succeed in the world, and my parents were going to make sure I learned it. (My dad had taught himself English, and he shared my enthusiasm for English language magazines, although not for the Dallas Cowboys.) Learning a second language allowed me to learn about, navigate and integrate into a different culture. And, unlike La Malinche , I did this of my own volition.

When I made the decision to come to the United States to study, my father told me, “If you ever decide this is not for you or things don’t work out, come back home.” But I was not turning back. In my mind, America was the best place in the whole world (my small world, at least). I had spent a semester in an exchange program at the University of Oklahoma, and I knew back then I belonged in the United States. One of the things that caught my attention early on was the fact that people could wear their pajamas to class (I know you’ve seen it), and nobody blinked an eye. One could wear her hair in blue spikes or wear slippers to the grocery store, and no one would say a thing. To me, that was amazing! People didn’t bother you, judge you or care what you wore. I felt America was the place where not only public services worked, but where you could be yourself and you could be free to be whomever you wanted to be. There was a sense of freedom that was refreshing.

However, for a long time I felt like I didn’t belong here, and I didn’t belong in Mexico, either. Navigating two worlds was not precisely difficult  but sometimes unsettling . You spend your time “live switching” from English to Spanish to Spanglish and back again. You mix Cholula with Five Guys hamburgers. You watch American soccer but listen to the Mexican commentators (otherwise it’s like listening to golf announcers). And you truly think Mexican soccer fans are like the old Oakland Raiders fans, only worse. Women in Mexico are as rabid fans as many men, but, at least back in my day (I feel ancient now), you didn’t see many women go to the stadiums. As a woman, I never felt safe. I only went to a match if my male friends went with me. This is one of the most striking differences between the U.S. and Mexico: American soccer fans are so mild-mannered in comparison!

Another striking difference I noticed when I first came to the U.S. was that I was not getting cat calls out when I was out walking in the streets. In Mexico, everywhere I went (since I was a preteen, for goodness’ sake), I would be subjected to cat calls and whistles – and the harassment only got worse the older I got. My experience as a woman was of always being on high alert. But when I came to the U.S., I felt respected. I could exist without being harassed continually. Women here seemed to have a voice and the same opportunities as men to grow and pursue their dreams. I felt free to pursue a career and to not be expected to only dream of marrying and having children. Although, over the years, I’ve come to realize there still is much room for improvement.

Back in the 1500s La Malinche did what she could to survive (did I say historians think she died before she was 30?). History asked her to do a task she didn’t want, and she did her best. I am sure she considered her options and bought time, respect and the right to live in the best way she could. She used her skills to earn a place in history, and although her role continues to be debated, I cannot blame her. Did I turn my back on my country? Or did I look for a better life? My circle of Latina friends in the U.S. is full of intelligent, professional women who left their countries and built a better life ­– a different life – here in the United States. They all miss their families, and they all support their biological families in many ways. What they can do from here, however, is more than they could have done had they stayed in their countries of origin.

Being Latina in America is both an honor and a challenge. We struggle with the dualities of our worlds. We struggle with the adjectives that define us. We are a complex mix of races, traditions and experiences. We care for our people, and we work tirelessly to do what must be done to help each other. The complexity of our identities can help us create a better world for all of us, a world where our differences are not viewed as a threat but as an asset. A world where we all thrive. ¡Sí, se puede!

By: Claudia Ortega-Lukas Graphic Designer & Communications Professional

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Fostering Latino Cultural Self-Identity among Mexican American Adolescents

Antonio l. estrada 1* , ricardo jasso 2 , barbara d. estrada 3.

1 Department of Mexican American Studies, the University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, USA

2 Amistades Inc., Tucson, Arizona, USA

3 Impact Consultants, Inc., Tucson, Arizona, USA

* Corresponding author: Antonio L. Estrada, Department of Mexican American Studies, the University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, USA

Received Date: 04 December, 2022

Accepted Date: 13 December, 2022

Published Date: 16 December, 2022

Citation: Estrada AL, Jasso R, Estrada BD (2022) Fostering Latino Cultural Self-Identity among Mexican American Adolescents. Adv Prev Med Health Care 5: 1036. DOI: https://doi.org/10.29011/2688-996X.001036

The goal of El Renacimiento is to increase Latino cultural self-identity among Mexican American adolescents in order to reduce the negative effects of acculturative stress. The curriculum, El Renaciemiento, was implemented after school hours in predominantly Mexican American middle and high schools in a U.S.-Mexico border community. Two-hundred and seventeen (217) Mexican American males and females ages 12-21 participated in the curriculum. The evaluation of the curriculum uses a pre-test post-test design to assess positive changes in Latino cultural self-identity. Self-administered pre-curriculum measures included acculturation level, acculturative stress, and Latino cultural self-identity. Measures were available in English and Spanish depending on the preference of the participant. One moth post-curriculum participants’ repeated the Latino cultural selfidentity measure. The primary outcome measure was change in Latino cultural self-identity among Mexican American males and females who participated in El Renacimiento. Prior to the curriculum, students’ acculturation level was negatively correlated with acculturative stress (r=-.228, p<.005). Mexican American females reported a more “Mexican-Bicultural” cultural orientation than Mexican American males, though not significantly so (p<.10). Those adolescents 14 years of age and younger reported a “Very Mexican” cultural orientation compared to those adolescents 15-17 and 18 and older who tended to report a more “Mexican-Bicultural” cultural orientation (p<.05). At Post-curriculum, Mexican American adolescents showed a statistically significant increase in Latino cultural self-identity (p<.01). Fostering Latino cultural self-identification among Mexican American adolescents is an important social and cognitive process that has the potential of decreasing acculturative stress and its negative health consequences.

Keywords: Ethnic identity; Acculturation; Acculturative stress; Adolescents; Mexican Americans; Latinos

Introduction

Negative perceptions, opinions and discriminatory practices toward immigrant and non-immigrant Latinos have long been part of the socio-historical reality in the American Southwest [1]. Historical documents and research findings convincingly demonstrate the insidious nature of discrimination and prejudice experienced by Mexican Americans over the past 170 years [2,3].

When do Latino adolescents begin to experience and internalize racist attitudes and discriminatory practices from others? Bernal and colleagues [4] have shown that beginning early in a Mexican American child’s life, feelings of difference and inferiority are transmitted by the dominant non-Latino society via social institutions like schools or government organizations, and policies like those enacted by Arizona to suppress Latino historical and cultural knowledge [5]. Likewise, during the Trump administration, anti-Mexican sentiment resulted in immigrant child removal and detention, sometimes including American citizens [6]. Mexican and Mexican American adolescents thus internalize negative perceptions about their ethnicity from the dominant society, which can lead to negative health and mental health outcomes. Several studies have documented the effects of family separation and/or detention in Mexican American families and neighborhoods, and are considered Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACES) [7-10].

Ethnic and Cultural Identity among Latino Adolescents

Research literature cites both positive and negative psychological effects of ethnic and cultural identity [4,11]. Ethnic identity can have a positive impact on the effects of acculturative stress and symptoms of depression. Lower levels of ethnic identity or negative perceptions of one’s own ethnic identity are found to be associated with higher levels of anxiety, higher rates of depression, and higher rates of acculturative stress [12]. Alternatively, high levels of ethnic identity are found to increase acculturative stress as proposed by Berry [13] and others. Findings of a “buffering effect” of ethnic or cultural identity, moderating the effects of acculturative stress on negative psychological and physical health outcomes are documented in the literature as well [14,15].

Studies have found that a positive self-concept is negatively associated with lower rates of depression and anxiety as reported among Latino adolescents [16]. Further, having positive selfesteem is negatively associated with initiation and continuation of substance abuse and HIV risk behaviors [17,18]. Other studies demonstrate that positive self-esteem is positively correlated with measures of resiliency [12]. Resiliency is a positive psychological trait that enhances a person’s ability to cope in stressful situations [19]. Increasing resiliency and reducing the effects of acculturative stress among Latino adolescents are important in order to build self-esteem and other protective factors and to reduce risk factors for a number of health-associated risks [20].

Acculturation and Acculturative Stress among Latino Adolescents

Acculturation theory is based on the hypothesis that people from cultures outside of the U.S. adapt or “acculturate” to U.S. mainstream societal values, norms, beliefs and ways of behaving or interacting with others [13,21]. The process of acculturation involves interactions with familial, social and cultural institutions that either facilitate or hinder adoption of mainstream cultural values, beliefs and behaviors. It is well documented that acculturation varies with age, length of time in the U.S., generation status, and immigration status. Acculturation to mainstream values, beliefs and behaviors occurs faster among youth than for adults, generating intergenerational conflict in Latino families [22]. Additionally, Latinos who have resided in the U.S. for two or more generations tend to be more acculturated than newly arrived immigrants [13]. The acculturation process itself, though not necessarily stressful, has been viewed as stressful in some situations and has been linked to negative psychological and physical health outcomes among Latinos [23].

Acculturative stress, the negative stress reactions of Mexicans when acculturating to the U.S. mainstream culture, has been the focus of many studies on Mexican Americans and other Latino subgroups [24,25]. Acculturative stress among Mexican American adolescents is associated with engaging in a number of risk behaviors including initiation of substance abuse, early sexual behavior, HIV risk behaviors, and psychological symptoms of depression and anxiety [26].

The linkage between ethnic or cultural identity, acculturation, and acculturative stress is explicit. Models of Latino youth development include appraisals of discrimination, racism and ethnic identity that lead to perceptions of acculturative stress. Several acculturative stress models are documented in the literature Caplan [27] . Caplan (p.96) provides a useful framework for conceptualizing the interdimensionality of acculturative stress that includes instrumental/ environmental (e.g., language barriers, unsafe neighborhoods), social/interpersonal (e.g., loss of familial and friendship networks, intergenerational conflicts) and societal (e.g., discrimination, racism, historical trauma). Taken together, these dimensions shape the context of experiencing acculturative stress.

Even though there are over two-dozen documented acculturation measures [28], there are fewer valid and reliable measures of acculturative stress with Mexican American adults and adolescents in the research literature [29]. Acculturative stress measures often include items related to perceptions of discrimination and racism experienced by Latinos. Acculturative stress measures have also been adapted and utilized among Latino adolescents [29,30].

Few studies have reported interventions designed to overcome the effects of acculturative stress among Mexican American adolescents through an intervention or curricula designed to strengthen cultural resiliency [31]. Cultural resiliency is the positive identification with cultural strengths such as values, beliefs, and traditional ways of knowing that have a positive influence on a person’s ethnic self-identify and self-esteem [12,14,32].

The Current Study

This study is a preliminary evaluation of a community-based Latino-focused cultural curriculum designed to enhance Latino cultural resiliency and reduce acculturative stress among Mexican American adolescents in a southwestern border community.

Amistades, Inc., a Latino non-profit community-based organization, developed and implemented El Renacimiento (the Renaissance) curricula. Amistades, Inc. developed the curricula to include the concept of cultural healing in addressing the heightened levels of cultural trauma experienced by Mexican American adolescents and transition age youth in US-Mexico border communities, resulting in unhealthy assimilation as opposed to healthy acculturation. The goal of the curriculum is to empower Latino youth through a positive connection to their cultural and historical roots. To accomplish this goal, the eleven (11) week Renacimiento curriculum introduces the importance of heritage, history, and identity for Mexican American adolescents and transition age youth ages 12 to 21. The examination of indigenous (Indio-Latino) concepts, language and current issues that youth may find relevant to their lives and situations, allows for an openness to exploring one’s own identity, awakening thoughts through empowerment, and encouraging voice. Guided by a trained instructor, Mexican American participants explore their heritage and create a positive Latino cultural self-identity by perceiving themselves within a socio-historical context and from an indigenous (Mestizo) perspective. The instructor uses storytelling to discuss current issues relevant to the lives and situations of participants. The instructor address participant’s cultural conflicts, health and wellness, self-sufficiency issues, and educational readiness skills, all within the positive context of their rich culture (please contact the authors for a complete description of the curriculum).

The study recruited Mexican American adolescents from several public and charter middle and high schools in a predominantly Mexican American community in the American southwest. Recruitment began in August 2019 and continued through April 2020, when schools closed due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Two-hundred and seventeen (217) Mexican American adolescents participated in the eleven-week El Renacimiento curriculum. Before the curriculum participants completed the Hispanic Stress Inventory for Youth [29], the Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican American Youth [33] and a Latino Cultural Self-Assessment developed by Amistades, Inc. One-month postcurriculum, participants completed the Latino Cultural SelfIdentify assessment again. One-hundred eighty-two (182) of the 217 participants completed both pre and post-curriculum assessments. All instruments were self-administered and available in English or Spanish depending on the preference of the participant.

The data analysis plan consisted of performing cross tabulations for categorical coded variables, one-way analysis of variance for categorical independent variables with a continuous dependent variable, and correlations among variables. Chi-Square analyses, with Bonferroni Post-Hoc Tests, was used to assess statistical analysis at p<.05. All data analyses were performed using SPSS Version 26. As noted previously, the present study used several cultural measures to assess acculturative stress, cultural self-identity and acculturation level among Latino adolescents. All measures have high levels of internal consistency as measured by Cronbach’s Alpha.

• The Hispanic Stress Inventory for Youth – Modified [30] measured acculturative stress with higher scores indicating more acculturative stress (alpha =.843).
• The Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican American Youth – Modified [33] measured acculturation, with higher scores indicating higher acculturation to the Anglo dominant culture (alpha =.875).
• A Latino Cultural Self-Identity assessment for Latino Youth measured cultural self-identity with higher scores indicating a more positive Latino cultural identification. (alpha Pre = .929, Post = .943)

Sample Characteristics

The age range for the sample of Latino adolescents was 1021 years (M=15.00, SD =2.64). About forty-six percent of youth were 14 and younger, about one-third (32.7 percent) were between the ages of 15-17, and slightly over one-fifth (22 percent) were 18 and older. The majority of the sample was male (78 percent).

Table 1: Latino Cultural Measures Used in the Current Study.

As originally developed, the Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican American Youth assesses the “type” of acculturation level by taking the total score on the acculturation scale and dividing it by the number of scale items [34]. The ratings are comprised of five (5) types: “Very Mexican,” “Mexican-Oriented Bicultural”, “True Bicultural”, “Anglo-Oriented Bicultural”, and “Very Anglicized.” In the present study, we categorized all participants using these five acculturation types. As seen in Table 2, the majority of the sample are “Very Mexican” and “Mexican-Oriented Bicultural”. About one-fifth are “True Bicultural”, and 12.5 percent are “Anglo-Oriented Bicultural” or “Very Anglicized.” However, due to only one participant falling into the “Very Anglicized” orientation category, the final acculturation rating scale had four types – “Very Mexican,” “Mexican-Oriented Bicultural,” “True Bicultural,” and “Anglo-Oriented/ Very anglicized.”

Table 2: Sample Characteristics of Study Population.

Gender differences showed that a higher percentage of Latino females than Latino males had a “Very Mexican” cultural orientation, though not significantly so (p<.10). A significantly higher percentage of Latino adolescents 15-17 years of age had a “Very Mexican” orientation than those Latino adolescents 14 years and younger (p<.05). Alternatively, a higher percentage of Latino adolescents 14 and younger, and 18 and older had a “Mexican-Bicultural” orientation. Controlling for age, we found that younger Latino males held a more “Mexican” orientation than Latino females did.

Table 3: Sample Demographic Characteristics by Acculturation Rating Scale Type.

Pearson moment correlation coefficients among the variables of interest are shown in Table 4. Latina females were significantly more likely to be older in age than Latino males (r=-.232, p<.001), and were more likely to have a more “Mexican” cultural orientation than Latino males (r=.165, p<.05). Acculturation level was negatively correlated with the acculturative stress (r=-.228, p<.01), indicating that those Mexican American adolescents who had a more “Mexican” cultural orientation reported higher levels of acculturative stress.

Table 4: Pearson Product Moment Correlations for Pre-Test Variables and Post-Latino Cultural Self-Identity.

Pre-Curriculum Results

The study used a one-group, pretest-posttest research design to evaluate differences in Latino Cultural Self-Identity before and after participating in El Renacimiento curriculum. One-tailed Paired T-Tests were used to examine pre-post curriculum differences on the Latino cultural self-identity assessment, with p<.05 set as the aprioi significance criterion.

The results showed that Latino adolescents who had a more “Mexican” cultural orientation were more likely to report higher acculturative stress levels as measured by the Hispanic Stress Inventory. The Acculturation Rating Scale was negatively correlated with the Hispanic Stress Inventory (r=-.258, p<.005), indicating that Mexican American adolescents who had a “Mexican” cultural orientation reported experiencing significantly more acculturative stress than other cultural typologies. The Hispanic Stress Inventory was not statistically associated with the Latino Cultural Self-identification measure at pre-curriculum. Statistically significant differences were found between acculturation level and age and gender of Latino adolescents, with older adolescents having higher acculturation levels, and Mexican American females having a more “Mexican” orientation than males (p<.05).

Post-Curriculum Results

Using one sample t-tests, a statistically significant finding emerged for improvement in the Latino Cultural Self-Identity assessment post curriculum (p<.001), with a mean increase of 2.1 points or a 15.3 percent increase in positive Latino cultural selfidentification. The results showed that Latino adolescents who participated in El Renacimiento curriculum were significantly more likely to report a more positive Latino cultural self-identification of themselves post-curriculum. Overall, El Renacimiento curriculum had a positive impact on Latino adolescents’ cultural self-identification. Post-curriculum results did not show significant mean pre-post differences between Latino females and males.

Multiple generations of Mexican Americans have experienced anti-Mexican sentiment through prejudice, discrimination and institutional violence [1,2]. Interrupting this cycle of psychosocial stress among Mexican American adolescents may be the first step in fostering cultural resiliency and reducing the negative effects of acculturative stress. A focus on enhancing multiple protective factors while also reducing multiple risk factors is the hallmark of much of the substance abuse prevention research targeting Latino youth and other groups [34]. Our results show that the enhancement of ethnic identity and cultural self-identification among Mexican American adolescents could potentially prevent or buffer the negative psychological and physiological effects of acculturative stress.

There are limitations of the present study, however, that we hope to resolve in future research. Participation in El Renacimiento was non-random. The majority of Latino adolescents either were referred by school personnel or were self-selected into the curriculum. Another limitation is that the sample of Latino adolescents in our study was comprised primarily of “MexicanOriented” or “Mexican-Oriented Bicultural” acculturation orientations. Given that the study was in the US-Mexico border region this finding may not be too surprising. The study also did not administer the Hispanic Stress Inventory post-curriculum, which would have assisted in understanding the effects of the curriculum in reducing acculturative stress. In addition, the study obtained limited sociodemographic information from participants (gender and age). A major limitation of the study is that the research design did not include a comparison group. One-sample pretest-posttest interventions without control or comparison groups calls into question the internal validity and reliability of the findings and their generalizability to other Latino subgroups [35].

Nevertheless, few published studies document the positive effects of Latino cultural curricula in enhancing Latino cultural strengths, including ethnic identity [15]. Findings from the present study, although preliminary, provides some evidence that strengthening Latino cultural identification through an immersive, Latino focused cultural curriculum may prove useful in fostering a positive cultural self-identification. In addition, our findings corroborate other findings in the literature on acculturation level and acculturative stress wherein lower acculturation levels are correlated with higher levels of acculturative stress, and vice-versa [12]. Further, we believe that the use of the categorical acculturation typology conveys more information on participants’ cultural orientation rather than simply “lower” or “higher” acculturation does. With this in mind, our approach suggests that research using more standard acculturation measures may not convey a more nuanced approach.

Taking the prevention of acculturative stress and intergenerational trauma one-step further, the current study documents an approach that increases Latino cultural selfidentification among Mexican American adolescents as a potential buffer against the negative effects of acculturative stress. Statistically significant findings post-curriculum with Latino cultural self-identification is another strength of the study and adds to the literature regarding evidence-based cultural curricula leading to positive changes in Latino adolescents’ cultural identification.

The increase in positive Latino cultural identification among Latino adolescents participating in El Renacimiento curriculum are encouraging. El Renacimiento has had a positive impact on increasing Mexican American males and females Latino cultural self-identity. After the curriculum, Latino adolescents were significantly more likely to have a more positive Latino cultural self-identity than before going through the curriculum.

Increasing cultural self-identification among Latino adolescents is an important social and cognitive process that has the potential of decreasing acculturative stress and its negative health consequences. More prevention and intervention programs are necessary that facilitates Latino adolescents’ reconnection to their culture and history. It is unfortunate that curricular policies in several southwestern states have essentially banned the teaching of Mexican American or Chicano Studies in K-12 education that otherwise could have a positive impact on Latino youths’ self-esteem and self-identity, and in turn reduce the effects of acculturative stress. El Renacimiento curriculum will continue its efforts in reducing the negative effects of acculturative stress and increase a positive sense of cultural pride, self-worth, and empowerment among Latino adolescents.

Acknowledgements

All procedures were in accordance with the ethical standards of the responsible committee on human experimentation (institutional and national) and with the Helsinki Declaration of 1975, as revised in 2000. Informed consent was obtained from all participants included in the study. We would like to thank Ms. Anahi Valenzuela for her assistance in translation of measures and data management. We also want to thank the Latino adolescents who participated in El Renacimiento for their enthusiasm and contagious inspiration. We would also like to thank all of the schools involved for allowing the participation of their students and providing space. Finally, we would like to thank our funder for the project, The Robert Wood Johnson Foundation’s Forward Promise Empowerment Initiative (Grant ID #61732), for their vision in allowing us to explore Latino cultural strengths to help combat the effects of acculturative stress.

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Latino History and Culture

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As part of the largest ethnic group in the United States, Latinas and Latinos have significantly contributed to the nation’s identity and have played a vital role in shaping American culture. The Latino population in the United States has grown to over 60 million today, leaving a big impact on its democracy, economy, and culture.

The Latino culture is extremely diverse, and there is no singular Latino experience.  Explore Latino foodways, art, and music, and learn about the rich history of Latinos, from pre columbian times to today.

Hispanic Heritage Month is a month-long celebration of Hispanic and Latino history and culture from September 15 to October 15. During this month we give extra recognition to the many contributions made to the history and culture of the United States, including important advocacy work, vibrant art, popular and traditional foods, and much more.

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Can You Lose A Language You Never Knew?

Kevin Garcia

Olvera Street, a historic Mexican marketplace in downtown Los Angeles. 1935. Smith Collection/Gado/Getty Images hide caption

Olvera Street, a historic Mexican marketplace in downtown Los Angeles. 1935.

I grew up a monolingual Mexican-American by accident.

My father was often away for weeks at a time, driving 18-wheeler trucks importing and exporting goods throughout the Southwest. My mother worked an office job, and had to juggle her career, finishing her degree and raising two young children. With both parents working full time, this left my brother and me in a bit of a free-fall.

But when I was around four, help arrived. My aunt Nena moved from Mexico to the U.S. — the plan was for her to live with our family and take care of my brother and me while settling into life in Los Angeles.

At the time, it seemed like a wonderful idea. My aunt would help with childcare while teaching us Spanish. What no one anticipated was her own eagerness to learn English, essential for her transition to the U.S. And who better to learn from than two native English speakers?

This resulted, much to everyone's chagrin, in two stubbornly Anglophone children. I can't speak Spanish. It's a simple fact that fills me with shame.

Will Spanish Thrive Or Decline In The U.S.?

What I didn't know at the time was that my situation reflects a question in the broader Latinx community: Just how important is knowing how to speak Spanish, anyway?

The answer, even among the Latinx community, is complicated. A Pew Research Center study from October of 2017, found that "while the number of Latinos who speak Spanish at home continues to increase due to the overall growth of the Latino population, the share of Latinos who speak the language has declined over the past decade."

In other words: While the population is growing, a smaller percentage of us are speaking the language. In 2006, 78 percent of Latinxs spoke Spanish at home. By 2015, that number had dropped to 73 percent.

I'm part of that decline. Living in a city with nearly 5 million Latinxs provided me with countless opportunities to engage my culture. I have fond childhood memories of outings to Olvera Street , weekly trips to the local panadería , and dance lessons in ballet folklórico .

I'm proud of my culture. But despite all this, I struggle with my Mexican identity.

Growing up, I was told that understanding the language of the home country was of the utmost importance. Sometimes this message was subtle: Spanish-speaking strangers who, after trying and failing to interact with me, would let out a pointed "¿No habla español? "

Latinx: The Ungendering of the Spanish Language

Other times, it was more explicit — the gentle (and not-so-gentle) teasing from family and friends for mixing up ser and estar ; the uncomfortable silence that fell between my cousins and me, neither of us able to communicate during my family's trips to Mexico.

This disconnect between language and culture is all too common for Latinx Americans. According to Pew , 71 percent of self-identified Hispanic adults said that you don't need to speak Spanish to be considered Latinx. At the same time, nearly 90 percent say that it's important for future generations of Latinx Americans to speak Spanish.

Language is central to just about every cultural identity. And language, particularly for Hispanics, transcends national borders. We have a word for this: Latinidad . It's an understanding that Latin American communities are varied and complex, but connected by a shared language.

For me, this understanding played out on a personal level. In school, my friends were Mexican, Cuban, Puerto Rican and Salvadoran. We didn't necessarily share a common experience. But Spanish was supposed to be a way we could understand one another despite our different backgrounds.

This perceived understanding explains the warmth and affection I receive from Hispanic strangers I meet in public. It also accounts for their visible disappointment when I reveal the extent of my American assimilation. Growing up, it didn't matter to my friends or to strangers that I could make tamales or sing my heart out to Selena's Como La Flor (albeit with a bit of stumbling through the lyrics).

In the view of many of my Hispanic compatriots, I wasn't Mexican-American. I was just American.

Mark Hugo Lopez is the Director of Hispanic Research at Pew . He's the researcher who found that a declining proportion of Latinxs speak Spanish. Lopez says that when he talks to Latinxs about how they identify, language often becomes the focal point.

"A lot of Latinos will say it's important that future generations of Hispanics in the U.S. speak Spanish," Lopez says. But, he adds, "the proof is in the pudding. How many of them actually do? ... There's a lot of tension here about what people want and what actually happens."

That tension exists for good reason. Language is so important because it's "how we experience the world," says Amelia Tseng. She's a professor of linguistics at Georgetown University, a research associate at the Smithsonian Institution and a scholar in residence at American University , where she studies multilingualism and identity. "We live our lives in language."

Tseng says that's part of why so many people, consciously or not, think of American identity and speaking English as inextricably linked.

How Latino Players Are Helping Major League Baseball Learn Spanish

And it's probably why I have such complicated feelings about being a Mexican-American who can't speak Spanish.

This feeling, called "language insecurity" in the academic community, is especially common among second-generation Latinxs in the U.S., according to Tseng.

"They kind of feel like they can never win," she explains. "They're just very aware that any moment they could be told, 'You're not doing it right,' and there's sort of a challenge to that part of their identity."

Despite this insecurity, Tseng stresses that growing up monolingual, like I did, isn't anyone's fault. For second- and third-generation Latinx Americans, retaining Spanish "isn't a question of how much you want to keep it. It's a question of how much opportunity you have to keep it."

Tseng says there are barriers to bilingualism that are often outside of our control: social pressure, stigmatization and discrimination.

Ultimately, Tseng adds, it's important for Latinxs to grapple with these sentiments openly. "It helps people understand themselves and where they come from better. And then they can also make more informed choices about what they want to do."

Some people may not want to learn Spanish. "That's OK," she says. "Let's celebrate all identities, and not just the ones we think are correct."

I'm not sure if I'll ever be comfortable with my relationship to Spanish. I mourn the loss of a language that I've been told all my life I have a some sort of claim over. But, can I lose something I never really had to begin with?

Whatever the answer may be, one thing is certain: I'll continue belting my heart out to Selena: "Yo sé perder, pero ay cómo me duele."

"I know how to lose, but, oh, how it hurts me."

Kevin Garcia is an intern on NPR's RAD team. You can follow him @keangarc .

What Does It Mean To Be A 'Nation Of Immigrants'?

• mexican american

Hispanic American Culture and its Impact in America Essay

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Hispanic Americans population in USA has been increasing over the last few decades. Today, Hispanic Americans make up about 16 percent of United State’s population and are minority group in the country.

Their presence is felt in various sectors; from work places, business, entertainment, to politics (Cafferty & Engstrom, 2002). As the number of Hispanic Americans increases, their culture is slowly becoming part of American culture.

The term Hispanic is used to refer to a diverse ethnic group united by their use of Spanish language. However, Hispanic Americans originate from various Spanish speaking countries especially in Central and Latin America.

The cultural group share common values by their shared Spanish culture but differ slightly by their country of origin. Hispanic Americans is a highly cultured ethnic group. Hispanic Americans’ family values, language, rituals and religions, etiquette, and eating habits are unique to other ethnic and cultural groups in the country.

The culture of Hispanic Americans has attracted high attention in the recent years. Many of Hispanic Americans maintain their cultures because most are recent immigrants. Family values, etiquette and use of Spanish language are the most distinguishing elements of Hispanic American. Hispanic Americans have high value for their families.

Hispanic American family extends beyond nuclear family and family members relate closely (Clutter & Nieto, 2008). The family is considered as the most important social unit and each family member considers helping other family members as a social responsibility. Family ties are such tight that Hispanic Americans have a habit of visiting one another or even living with other family members.

Spanish language and assent is what is most associated with Hispanic Americans. Most Hispanic American use both English and Spanish but the old and recent immigrants have difficulty in using English. Spanish, however, is the common language that used in Hispanic Americans homes or when speaking to other Hispanic Americans. Apart from language, Hispanic American’s etiquette is unique.

Most Hispanic Americans tend to be formal. For instance, a firm handshake is the common practice for greeting though slight hug and a kill on the cheek can be used among close family members (Clutter & Nieto, 2008). Another cultural feature of Hispanic Americans is religion and rituals. Most of Hispanic Americans are Roman Catholics and religion takes a central place in their lives (Clutter & Nieto, 2008).

Religious rituals such as prayers, attending daily and Sunday mass and celebrating patron saints make part of Hispanic Americans culture. In addition, Hispanic Americans’ eating habit reflects their origin and culture.

Impact of Hispanic Americans culture in American is evident. The most obvious impact is increased usage of Spanish in United States. Today Spanish is used in most parts of the country where Hispanic Americans live or work. A part from spreading Spanish, Hispanic Americans have been successful in small scale business, entertainment, sports and politics and their significance is being respected.

For example, Hispanic American musicians such as Jennifer Lopez, Gloria Estefan and Julio Iglesias and baseball players such as Juan Marichal have been very successful.

In addition, Hispanic Americans interact with other cultural and ethnic groups in the country; in work places, schools, churches and other places and share culture. Consequently, Hispanic Americans culture is slowly being accepted and integrated in American cultures. Hispanic foods, music, dance, clothing are becoming common with other cultural groups.

Hispanic Americans are the most culturally influential minority cultural and ethnic group in United States today.

The Hispanic cultural heritage month (15th September to 15 th October) set aside by United States government, demonstrates the impact of Hispanic Americans in the country (Lamb & Johnson, 2008). The action by the government shows that cultural diversity is something to celebrate and invites all Americans to embrace cultural diversity.

Reference List

Clutter, A. & Nieto, R. (2008). Understanding the Hispanic Culture . Web.

Lamb, A. & Johnson, L. (2008). Latino – Hispanic Heritage . Web.

Cafferty, P. & Engstrom, D. (2002). Hispanics in the United States: an agenda for the twenty-first century . New York: Transaction Publishers.

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IvyPanda . 2019. "Hispanic American Culture and its Impact in America." June 24, 2019. https://ivypanda.com/essays/hispanic-american-culture-and-its-impact-in-america/.

1. IvyPanda . "Hispanic American Culture and its Impact in America." June 24, 2019. https://ivypanda.com/essays/hispanic-american-culture-and-its-impact-in-america/.

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IvyPanda . "Hispanic American Culture and its Impact in America." June 24, 2019. https://ivypanda.com/essays/hispanic-american-culture-and-its-impact-in-america/.

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100 Hispanics Essay Topic Ideas & Examples

Inside This Article

Hispanics have made significant contributions to various fields and have diverse experiences and perspectives that can be explored in essays. Here are 100 essay topic ideas and examples that showcase the rich culture and heritage of Hispanics:

• The impact of Hispanic immigrants on American society
• The history and significance of Hispanic Heritage Month
• The influence of Hispanic cuisine on American food culture
• The role of Hispanic women in shaping history and culture
• Exploring the concept of "machismo" in Hispanic culture
• The importance of family in Hispanic culture
• The history and evolution of Latin American music
• The portrayal of Hispanics in mainstream media
• The legacy of Hispanic civil rights leaders
• The contributions of Hispanic scientists to society
• Exploring the history of Hispanic literature
• The significance of Catholicism in Hispanic culture
• The impact of Latinx artists on the art world
• The role of Hispanic activists in social justice movements
• The history and traditions of Hispanic weddings
• The influence of Hispanic fashion on global trends
• The representation of Hispanics in literature and film
• The history and significance of Dia de los Muertos
• The impact of colonialism on Hispanic culture
• The contributions of Hispanic athletes to sports
• Exploring the concept of "spanglish" in Hispanic communities
• The role of Hispanic immigrants in the workforce
• The history and significance of Hispanic dance
• The impact of Hispanic entrepreneurs on the economy
• The influence of Hispanic folklore on modern storytelling
• The representation of Hispanic LGBTQ+ individuals in media
• The history and traditions of Hispanic holidays
• The role of Hispanic labor activists in the fight for workers' rights
• The impact of Hispanic literature on the literary world
• The contributions of Hispanic musicians to the music industry
• Exploring the concept of "Latinidad" in Hispanic identity
• The history and significance of Hispanic art
• The portrayal of Hispanic culture in children's literature
• The role of Hispanic environmental activists in protecting the planet
• The impact of Hispanic performers on theater and Broadway
• Exploring the history of Hispanic education in the United States
• The contributions of Hispanic journalists to media and news reporting
• The representation of Hispanic superheroes in comics and movies
• The role of Hispanic community organizers in advocating for social change
• The impact of Hispanic filmmakers on the film industry
• The history and significance of Hispanic migration patterns
• The influence of Hispanic poets on the world of literature
• The legacy of Hispanic political leaders
• Exploring the concept of "borderlands" in Hispanic literature
• The contributions of Hispanic entrepreneurs to the tech industry
• The role of Hispanic healthcare workers in providing care to underserved communities
• The history and traditions of Hispanic music festivals
• The impact of Hispanic actors on Hollywood
• The representation of Hispanic culture in video games
• The role of Hispanic activists in the fight for immigrant rights
• Exploring the history of Hispanic street art
• The contributions of Hispanic chefs to the culinary world
• The influence of Hispanic poets on the art of spoken word
• The portrayal of Hispanic culture in television shows
• The history and significance of Hispanic theater
• The impact of Hispanic social media influencers
• The role of Hispanic educators in shaping the minds of future generations
• Exploring the concept of "Latinx feminism" in Hispanic communities
• The contributions of Hispanic architects to the world of design
• The history and traditions of Hispanic folk music
• The influence of Hispanic comedians on the world of comedy
• The representation of Hispanic culture in fashion magazines
• The role of Hispanic non-profit organizations in supporting the community
• The impact of Hispanic writers on the world of journalism
• The history and significance of Hispanic visual artists
• Exploring the concept of "Latino/a/x" identity in Hispanic communities
• The contributions of Hispanic dancers to the world of dance
• The role of Hispanic activists in advocating for LGBTQ+ rights
• The history and traditions of Hispanic street festivals
• The impact of Hispanic filmmakers on documentary filmmaking
• The influence of Hispanic playwrights on the world of theater
• The portrayal of Hispanic culture in music videos
• The history and significance of Hispanic graffiti art
• The contributions of Hispanic cartoonists to the world of comics
• The role of Hispanic chefs in preserving traditional recipes
• Exploring the concept of "Latinx masculinity" in Hispanic communities
• The impact of Hispanic fashion designers on the fashion industry
• The representation of Hispanic culture in art galleries
• The history and traditions of

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Young Latinos: Born in the U.S.A., carving their own identity

This report is part of #NBCGenerationLatino , focusing on young Hispanics and their contributions during Hispanic Heritage Month.

Jason Mero, 18, headed off to Brown University this fall proudly staking claim to his Latinx heritage, ever mindful that the sacrifices his immigrant parents made opened the doors of the Ivy League to him.

Born in Queens, New York, to parents who emigrated from Ecuador 30 years ago, Mero would ruminate with his family growing up about the challenges facing an American with Hispanic roots: how to deal with a more hostile environment against Latinos, and how to assert his U.S. citizenship, his birthright, while staying connected to his community.

"My family growing up wanted me to stick with my Hispanic roots, but also did not want me to show those roots to the world outside," Mero told NBC News. "They knew that being Hispanic-American isn't necessarily looked (upon) with a smile ... in this country. So they were doing that for my safety and to protect me. But even so, these conversations have shown me that I'm still proud of being Hispanic, even though it's being frowned upon by other people."

One million Hispanic-Americans will turn 18 this year and every year for at least the next two decades, said Mark Hugo López, director of global migration and demography research at the Pew Research Center. That stream of adolescent Latinos coming of age in the U.S. started a few years ago and is now gushing.

“This won’t be a passing wave," Lopez said, "but instead an ongoing process over the next 20 years as the young Latino population enters adulthood."

Although percentage-wise Asian Americans are the nation’s fastest-growing minority group, the Latino population will add more people each year to the U.S. than any other group for the next few decades, and their median age is younger than Asian Americans, according to Pew Research Center.

Most of these young Latinos have one thing in common — they were born in the United States.

Nine out of ten Latinos under 18 are U.S. born.

For those under 35, it's about eight in ten, according to new figures from Pew Research Center .

Over half of Latinos under 18 and roughly two-thirds of Latino millennials are second-generation Americans — born in the U.S. to least one immigrant parent.

“These young Latinos are U.S. born, going through U.S. schools,” Lopez said, “yet they grew up in Latino households, exposed to the culture of their parents’ home country — that is the distinguishing point. They have all the markers of being American, yet they are the children of immigrants.”

Navigating their parents' immigrant culture while being born and raised in the U.S. has shaped their views on identity and what it means to be an American — factors that are, in turn, shaping the nation’s adult workforce and electorate.

Juggling language, color, culture

Like other population waves throughout the country’s history, these young bicultural Americans are coming of age enmeshed in their Latino and American worlds and trying to carve out a place for themselves in both of them and between.

Berenize García, 16, of New York City, said her father, a Mexican immigrant, has pressured her to be “more American,” while her mother told her it’s disrespectful not to retain and speak Spanish to their Mexican relatives.

“That makes me feel confused, because how can I be Mexican when I’m pressured to be more American? How can I be American when I’m pressured to be more Mexican?” she said.

Her confusion is captured in a scene from the 1997 movie "Selena," in which actor Edward James Olmos, playing a father, tells his children how difficult it is to be Mexican-American and the nonacceptance that comes from both Mexico and the United States: "We have to be twice as perfect as everybody else."

These experiences with language and culture have imprinted themselves on García and have affected how she sees her future.

“I’m trying to, hopefully, one day become a doctor, and in that way empower my patients who have that language barrier, because my mom, who goes to the doctor constantly, can’t really express her pain because she doesn’t speak English,” García said. "Her pain is brushed off.”

While this younger generation of Latinos is more conversant in English than their immigrant parents’ generation, three-in-four young Hispanics say they use Spanish as well, according to Pew.

Toggling between two languages — and that it’s hard to be truly bilingual — is perhaps one of the most common threads growing up for these young Latinos.

“We’re stripped in a lot of cases of our Spanish tongue and our Spanish heritage and told it’s really important that you only speak English and you know how to speak English well because otherwise, you’re going to face hardship, which is in a lot of ways true because of the prejudice that this country holds,” said Alma Flores-Perez, 21, born and raised in Austin, Texas.

“But at the same time, I’ve really come to see the importance of speaking Spanish or at least trying to claim that as our own and not be ashamed when you do speak Spanish, but also not being ashamed if you weren’t taught it, because that wasn’t necessarily your choice,” Flores-Perez said. She thinks her bicultural upbringing is one of the reasons she’s majoring in linguistics at Stanford.

Even more of an impact than language, for many young Latinos, is how their skin color influences how they’re perceived, not only by other Americans but by other Hispanic Americans.

Flores-Perez, who is light-skinned, has been questioned when she identifies herself as Chicana.

"I’ve been called whitewashed,” said Flores-Perez, who said it hurt to not be considered Latina enough because of her light complexion. But she’s come to understand it’s not something she can control.

“I think I can do my best to project that identity and to make clear who I am and explain when people ask,” she said.

Christopher Robert, 18, of Brooklyn, whose mother is Dominican and father is Puerto Rican, said, “There are a lot of people in my family who have a dark skin tone, but still, like, insist that they’re part of a white Latino population."

Robert, who describes himself as Afro-Latino, added, “I choose to acknowledge it and accept it as part of who I am.”

Leyanis Díaz, 25, is an Afro-Latina blogger and entrepreneur based in Miami who was born in Cuba and came to the United States with her family when she was 3.

"I had people tell me they didn’t even know that there were black people in Cuba, which made me really feel ...,” she said pausing. “It gave me self-esteem issues, for the most part.”

That didn't stop her from entering, and winning, the Miss Black Florida USA pageant last year. “In all honesty, the way I’ve combated these stereotypes is by continuing to educate not only my friends, but the people that I encounter —educating them about Cuba, where I come from, teaching them more about my culture,” Díaz said.

Many young Latinos see themselves as in-between skin colors and races.

Jeanette Garzón Terreros, 18, a freshman at Columbia, said that when she's filled out certain forms, she has left blank the questions on race or ethnicity.

“I don’t identify as white, I don’t identify as black, I don’t identify as any of the things, and they don’t put an ‘other,’” she said. Garzón Terreros said she saw a picture of the part of Mexico that her parents are from, and the people looked part indigenous, part Spanish. “It’s like the mix between the two races.”

Experiences shape their outlook

Beyond issues of language and color, living amid their immigrant parents and their extended network has influenced how young Latinos see issues in the U.S. and beyond.

Some recounted, amid smiles, growing up as Latinos while not necessarily embracing their families' traditions. "I don't dance; salsa, nothing," said Christopher Robert. "I don't know how to cook Dominican food or anything."

More seriously, they spoke of the pressure their parents felt to help relatives in their home countries, despite not having much more money themselves.

They also spoke of having to explain their identity not just in their U.S. neighborhoods, but in their parents' home countries, to family members who questioned their accents or status based on their U.S. experience.

Here at home, U.S.-born young Latinos also grow up with the reality that depending on their family or friends' immigration status, they could one day be taken by immigration enforcement officers, held in detention for long periods and possibly deported.

With community if not familial ties to immigrants — including legal residents without documents and people with deportation deferrals — detentions and deportations or the fear of them are part of young Latinos' daily lives.

Flores-Perez said she was "really rocked" when President Donald Trump brought up trying to rescind the DACA program, Deferred Action for Child Arrivals, which allowed undocumented young people brought to the U.S. as children to remain in the country.

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Her best friend, from Honduras, was a DACA student. "I was terrified, and she was terrified because she’s been here since she was 2 years old. This country is all she knows,” said Flores-Perez.

A survey of millennials released in January found that 49 percent of millennial Latinos worried a lot that a family member or close friend could be deported, compared to 25 percent of Asian Americans and 21 percent of African-Americans. White millennials' experience was the polar opposite to Latinos: Fifty percent said they did not know anyone at risk of being deported.

Young adults under 35 are already the most diverse generation in U.S. history, according to Stella Rouse , a University of Maryland political scientist. The diversity has found its way into politics and policy making and is likely to give a distinct shape to how the country addresses major issues.

In her new book, “The Politics of Millennials" — written with Ashley D. Ross, an assistant professor at Texas A&M University — Rouse argues that millennials' diversity, combined with growing up amid the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, the Great Recession and the debate over immigration, “simply guides a lot of attitudes and policy preferences.” This includes their views on the economy, the role of government in providing opportunities and how to deal with a lack of access to health insurance.

Rouse sees the influence of diversity and upbringing in young Latinos’ attitudes toward climate change, for example.

The share of Latino millennials who believe climate change is occurring is about 49 percentage points higher than white millennials and 20 percentage points higher than African-Americans.

Young Latinos may be disproportionately affected by climate change considering where they live, how many of them or their families are employed in the agricultural industry and that they have relatives in other countries that have experienced climate-related issues, Rouse said.

Challenges and opportunities

As with every generation, a young person’s trajectory is eventually tied not only to their prosperity but to the country’s economic success. When looking at the nation’s Latino youth, there are challenges and there are opportunities, according to Pew Research’s López.

On the one hand, a record number of young Latinos, 3.6 million in 2016, are attending college, and their share is growing, according to Pew. Additionally, 67 percent of Latinos ages 25 and older had earned a high school degree.

Yet they lag behind other groups in pursing higher education. Just 17.2 percent of Hispanic adults have a bachelor's degree and 5 percent an advanced degree, compared to 38.1 percent and 14.3 percent of non-Hispanic whites, according to the Hispanic Association of Colleges and Universities.

One of the biggest issues is college costs, complicated by the fact that Latino families, which generally started the Great Recession with less net worth than other ethnic groups, lost 66 percent of their household wealth during this period.

“I’m at Northeastern right now — I’m only here because there was a good financial aid package, and even so it was extremely expensive," said Robert, the Brooklyn teen . “Before I made my decision, I sat down with my mom and asked her, ‘Are you sure you want to do this?’”

Despite financial odds, young Latinos are profoundly optimistic. More than three-in-four Hispanics ages 18-35 say most people who want to get ahead will be able to make it if they work hard.

Marco Garcia is Berenize's twin brother. He described their immigrant parents' hard work. “My dad works six days a week from 10 to 10,” Marco said. “My mom works as a housemaid, scrubbing floors, cleaning bathrooms and what not.”

When they were younger, Marco was embarrassed by his parents’ broken English when they came to school functions. Now he and his sister, students at Uncommon Charter High School in Brooklyn, see it as a point of pride that they're children of immigrants — as well as high achieving students.

“I feel very optimistic about the future,” Berenize said. “Our parents already did the majority of the work. All we’ve got to do is just finish it.”

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• Hispanic Identity Fades Across Generations as Immigrant Connections Fall Away

11% of American adults with Hispanic ancestry do not identify as Hispanic

Table of contents.

• Acknowledgements
• Methodology
• Appendix A: References
• Appendix B: Additional Table

More than 18% of Americans identify as Hispanic or Latino, the nation’s second largest racial or ethnic group. But two trends – a long-standing high intermarriage rate and a decade of declining Latin American immigration – are distancing some Americans with Hispanic ancestry from the life experiences of earlier generations, reducing the likelihood they call themselves Hispanic or Latino.

Among the estimated 42.7 million U.S. adults with Hispanic ancestry in 2015, nine-in-ten (89%), or about 37.8 million, self-identify as Hispanic or Latino. But another 5 million (11%) do not consider themselves Hispanic or Latino, according to Pew Research Center estimates. The closer they are to their immigrant roots, the more likely Americans with Hispanic ancestry are to identify as Hispanic. Nearly all immigrant adults from Latin America or Spain (97%) say they are Hispanic. Similarly, second-generation adults with Hispanic ancestry (the U.S.-born children of at least one immigrant parent) have nearly as high a Hispanic self-identification rate (92%), according to Pew Research Center estimates.

By the third generation – a group made up of the U.S.-born children of U.S.-born parents and immigrant grandparents – the share that self-identifies as Hispanic falls to 77%. And by the fourth or higher generation (U.S.-born children of U.S.-born parents and U.S.-born grandparents, or even more distant relatives), just half of U.S. adults with Hispanic ancestry say they are Hispanic. 1

Among adults who say they have Hispanic ancestors (a parent, grandparent, great grandparent or earlier ancestor) but do not self-identify as Hispanic, the vast majority – 81% – say they have never thought of themselves as Hispanic, according to a Pew Research Center survey of the group. When asked why this is the case in an open-ended follow-up question, the single most common response (27%) was that their Hispanic ancestry is too far back or their background is mixed.

This report explores the attitudes and experiences of two groups of adults. The first are those who are self-identified Hispanics. This is the usual group of Hispanics that are profiled in Pew Research Center and Census Bureau reports and are reported on as a distinct racial/ethnic group. Throughout the report, this group is labelled as “Self-identified Hispanics.”

The second are those who have Hispanic ancestry but do not consider themselves Hispanic – i.e., self-identified non-Hispanics with Hispanic ancestry. This is the first time this group’s opinions, attitudes and views have been studied in depth. Throughout the report, this second group is referred to as “self-identified non-Hispanics” or “self-identified non-Hispanics with Hispanic ancestry.”

Racial and ethnic identity on surveys and in the U.S. decennial census is measured by respondents’ self-reports. Any survey respondent who says they are Hispanic is counted as Hispanic, and those who say they are not Hispanic are not counted as such. This practice has been in place on the census since 1980 for Hispanic identity and since 1970 for racial identity.

These findings emerge from two Pew Research Center national surveys that explored attitudes and experiences about Hispanic identity among two populations. The first survey, conducted Oct. 21-Nov. 30, 2015, in English and Spanish, explored the attitudes and experiences of a nationally representative sample of 1,500 self-identified Hispanic adults. The second is a first-of-its-kind national survey of 401 U.S. adults who indicated they had Hispanic, Latino, Spanish or Latin American ancestry or heritage (in the form of parents, grandparents or other relatives) but did not consider themselves Hispanic. It was offered in English and Spanish from Nov. 11, 2015-Feb. 7, 2016, but all respondents took the survey in English. Both surveys were conducted by SSRS for Pew Research Center. Together, these two surveys provide a look at the identity experiences and views of U.S. adults who say they have Hispanic ancestry.

Declining immigration, high intermarriage rates

Immigration from Latin America played a central role in the U.S. Hispanic population’s growth and its identity during the 1980s and 1990s. But by the 2000s, U.S. births overtook the arrival of new immigrants as the main driver of Hispanic population dynamics. And the Great Recession, 2 coupled with many other factors, significantly slowed the flow of new immigrants into the country, especially from Mexico . As a result, the U.S. Hispanic population is still growing, but at a rate nearly half of what it was over a decade ago as fewer immigrants arrive in the U.S. and the fertility rate among Hispanic women has declined .

Over the same period, the Latino intermarriage rate remained relatively high and changed little. In 2015, 25.1% of Latino newlyweds married a non-Latino spouse and 18.3% of all married Latinos were intermarried; 3 in 1980, 26.4% of Latino newlyweds intermarried and 18.1% of all married Latinos had a non-Latino spouse, according to a Pew Research Center analysis of government data. In both 1980 and 2015, Latino intermarried rates were higher than those for blacks or whites . 4 Intermarriage rates also vary within the Latino population: 39% of married U.S.-born adults had a non-Latino spouse while just 15% of married immigrant Latinos did.

As a result of high intermarriage rates, some of today’s Latinos have parents or grandparents of mixed heritage, with that share higher among later generations. According to the surveys, 18% of immigrants say that they have a non-Latino parent or grandparent in their family, a share that rises to 29% among the second generation and 65% among the third or higher generation, according to the Pew Research Center survey of self-identified Latino adults. And for those who say they have Latino ancestry but do not identify as Latino, fully 96% say they have some non-Latino heritage in their background.

A similar pattern is present among those who are married, according to the two surveys. Some 78% of all married Hispanics have a spouse who is also Hispanic, according to the survey of self-identified Hispanics. But that share declines across the generations. Nearly all married immigrant Hispanics (93%) have a Hispanic spouse, while 63% among second-generation married Hispanics and just 35% among married third-generation Hispanics have a Hispanic spouse. Meanwhile, only 15% of married U.S. adults who say they are not Hispanic but have Hispanic ancestry have a Hispanic spouse.

These trends may have implications for the shape of Hispanic identity today. With so many U.S.-born Hispanics of Hispanic and non-Hispanic heritages, their views and experiences with Hispanic culture and identity vary depending on how close they are to their family’s immigrant experiences.

These trends also have implications for the future of Hispanic identity in the U.S. Lower immigration levels than in the past and continued high intermarriage rates may combine to produce a growing number of U.S. adults with Hispanic ancestors who may not identify as Hispanic or Latino. And even among those who do self-identify as Hispanic or Latino, those in the second and third or higher generations may see their identity as more tied to the U.S. than to the origins of their parents, a pattern observed in many previous 5 Pew Research Center Latino surveys.

As a result, even estimates of the number of Americans who self-identify as Hispanic could be lower than currently projected. The latest population projections emphasize the size and speed of Hispanic population growth – according to Pew Research Center projections , the nation’s Hispanic population will be 24% of all Americans by 2065, compared with 18% in 2015. But these projections assume that many current trends, including Hispanic self-identity trends, will continue. If they change, growth in the population of self-identified Hispanics could slow even further and the nation’s own sense of its diversity could change as fewer than expected Americans of Hispanic ancestry self-identify as Hispanic.

What is Hispanic identity?

When it comes to describing themselves and what makes someone Hispanic, there is some consensus across self-identified Hispanics. However, not all Hispanics agree, with views often linked to immigrant generation.

The immigrant experience is an important part of the U.S. Hispanic experience. Roughly four-in-ten self-identified U.S. Hispanics (38%) 6 are immigrants themselves, a share that rises to 53% among adult Hispanics, according to a Pew Research Center analysis of U.S. Census Bureau data. Meanwhile, 62% of Hispanics are U.S. born, a share that falls to 48% among adult Hispanics.

Some U.S.-born Latinos have direct links to their family’s immigrant roots – 34% are the U.S.-born children of at least one immigrant parent, or part of the second generation. Others are more distant from those roots – 28% are the U.S.-born children of U.S.-born Latino parents, or of the third or higher generation.

Terms used most often to describe identity

The terms that self-identified Hispanics use to describe themselves can provide a direct look at their views of identity and the link to their countries of birth or family origin. Among all Hispanic adults, for example, half say they most often describe themselves by their family’s country of origin or heritage, using terms such as Mexican, Cuban, Puerto Rican or Salvadoran. Another 23% say they most often call themselves American. The other 23% most often describe themselves as “Hispanic” or “Latino,” the pan-ethnic terms used to describe this group in the U.S., according to the survey of self-identified Hispanics. 7

However, the use of these terms varies widely across immigrant generations and reflects the different experiences of each group of Hispanics.

Two-thirds (65%) of immigrant Latinos most often uses the name of their origin country to describe themselves, the highest share among the generations. That share falls to 36% among second-generation Latinos and to 26% among third or higher generation Latinos.

Meanwhile, the share that says they most often use the term “American” to describe themselves rises from 7% among immigrants to 56% among the third generation or higher, mirroring, in reverse, the use pattern for country of origin terms. Third or higher generation Latinos were born in the U.S. to U.S.-born parents, and these findings show that for this group, their ties to their U.S. national identity are strong.

Another measure of identity is how much Hispanics feel a common identity with other Americans. Overall, U.S. Hispanics are divided on this question: Half (50%) consider themselves to be a typical American while 44% say they are very different from a typical American. But this finding masks large differences across the generations. Some 36% of immigrant Hispanics consider themselves a typical American. That share rises to 63% among second-generation Hispanics and to 73% among third or higher generation Hispanics, reflecting their birth country (the U.S.) and their lifetime experiences.

Does speaking Spanish or having a Spanish last name make one Hispanic?

Speaking Spanish is a characteristic often linked to Latino identity. For example, some say that you cannot be Latino unless you happen to speak Spanish, or that someone is “more Latino” if they speak Spanish than someone who does not speak Spanish but is also of Latino heritage.

This came up during a debate in the 2016 presidential campaign , when Republican candidate U.S. Sen. Marco Rubio questioned whether Ted Cruz, another senator and GOP candidate, spoke Spanish.

Yet, when directly asked about the link between Latino identity and speaking Spanish, seven-in-ten (71%) Latino adults say speaking Spanish is not required to be considered Latino. Even among immigrant Latinos, a majority (58%) holds this view about Spanish and Latino identity. And among U.S.-born Latinos, higher shares say the same: 84% of second-generation Latinos and 92% of third or higher generation Latinos (the group farthest from their family’s immigrant roots) say speaking Spanish does not make someone Latino.

Another characteristic that for some is seen as important to Hispanic identity is having a Spanish last name. However, here too, the vast majority (84%) of self-identified Hispanics say it is not necessary to have a Spanish last name to be considered Hispanic, no matter their immigrant generation.

Not all Americans with Hispanic ancestry self-identify as Hispanic

Racial and ethnic identity in the U.S. since the 1960s has been based on self-reports: You are what you say you are . This is how race and ethnicity is measured in government surveys , as well as in surveys by Pew Research Center and other research groups. As a result, there are some Americans who say they have Hispanic ancestry but do not consider themselves Hispanic.

Overall, this group represents 2% of the national adult population, amounting to 5 million adults, according to the Center’s estimates. Or, looked at another way, among the 42.7 million U.S. adults who say they have Hispanic ancestry, 11% do not identify as Hispanic.

This group also has distant immigrant roots. Some 38% are fourth or higher generation, i.e., the U.S.-born children of U.S.-born parents, U.S.-born grandparents and likely other U.S. born ancestors. Another 23% are third generation (the U.S.-born children of U.S.-born parents), 17% are second generation (the U.S.-born children of at least one immigrant parent), and just 12% are immigrants, according to the Pew Research Center survey of self-identified non-Hispanics with Hispanic ancestry.

For adults with Hispanic ancestry who do not self-identify as Hispanic, 81% say they have never considered themselves Hispanic or Latino. The reasons for this are many and are often linked to mixed backgrounds, limited contact with Hispanic relatives and few Hispanic cultural links, according to a follow-up open-ended question. For example, some 27% said they do not consider themselves Hispanic because they have a mixed Hispanic and non-Hispanic background or that their Hispanic ancestry is too distant. Another 16% said they do not consider themselves Hispanic despite their Hispanic ancestry because of their upbringing or that they have little contact with their Hispanic relatives; 15% said the reason they say they are not Hispanic is because they do not speak Spanish or have no link to Hispanic culture; 12% said they do not look Hispanic or they identify as another race; and 9% said they were born in the U.S. and consider themselves American.

Latino cultural traditions, Spanish use and connections to family’s origin country

The conversations parents have with their children and the cultural cues they provide while their children are growing up can have a large impact on their children’s identity in adulthood. However, the number of Hispanic cultural activities experienced by Americans with Hispanic ancestry declines across the generations, mirroring the finding that Hispanic self-identity also fades across generations.

Parents and their pride in their Latino origins

Immigrant and second-generation self-identified Hispanics (57% and 50% respectively) are most likely to say their parents talked often about their pride in their country of origin roots. But by the third generation, only 33% say their parents talked often about their pride in their roots while growing up.

For self-identified non-Hispanics, the majority of whom are of the third or higher immigrant generation, just 15% say they often heard their parents talk often about their pride in their ancestor’s country of origin.

Attending Hispanic cultural celebrations in childhood

Across immigrant generations, reports of childhood experiences with Hispanic cultural celebrations, such as posadas or quinceañeras , decline for Americans with Hispanic ancestry the farther they are from their immigrant roots.

Among immigrant self-identified Hispanics, 59% say that when they were growing up, their parents took them to Hispanic cultural celebrations often, reflecting that the majority of this group grew up outside the U.S.

Second-generation self-identified Hispanics were about as likely to say this happened during their childhood. Half (49%) report that when they were growing up, their immigrant parents took them often to Hispanic cultural celebrations. A smaller share (35%) of third or higher generation self-identified Hispanics report the same about their childhoods.

By comparison, among Americans who say they have a Latino ancestry, but do not self-identify as Latino, just 9% report that when they were growing up, their parents took them to Latino cultural celebrations. Meanwhile, 60% say this never happened.

Parents encouraged Spanish

Another important way that parents can encourage their children’s Hispanic self-identity is through their use of language. However, the two surveys reveal that the childhood experiences with Spanish fade quickly across the generations, even though there is wide support for the language among Hispanics.

Fully 85% of foreign-born self-identified Hispanics say that when they were growing up, their parents often encouraged them to speak Spanish. But that share falls to 68% among the U.S.-born second generation and to just 26% of the third or higher generation Hispanics.

By contrast, just 9% of self-identified non-Hispanics with Hispanic ancestry say their parents often encouraged them to speak Spanish, again reflecting the distance this group has from its immigrant roots.

Spanish use declines across the generations even as Latinos say it is important to speak it

About 40 million people in the U.S. say they speak Spanish in their home today, making Spanish the second most spoken language in the U.S. But while the number of Spanish speakers nationally is rising, among self-identified Hispanics the share who speak it at home is in decline .

The two Pew Research Center surveys explored how respondents rated their own ability to speak and read Spanish and to speak and read English.

Among self-identified Hispanics, 61% of immigrants are Spanish dominant, meaning they are more proficient in speaking and reading in Spanish than they are in English. By comparison, only 6% of the second generation is Spanish dominant and essentially none of the third generation is Spanish dominant, according to the Center’s estimates.

While a small share of U.S.-born Latinos are Spanish dominant, a larger share is bilingual. Among second-generation self-identified Latinos – i.e., the U.S.-born children of immigrant parents – about half (51%) are bilingual. Among third or higher generation self-identified Latinos, that share is 24%.

Meanwhile, English dominance rises across the generations. Among foreign-born self-identified Hispanics, only 7% say they mostly use English. This share rises to 43% in the second generation, and 75% in the third or higher generation.

The language profile of self-identified non-Hispanics who have Hispanic ancestry is different. Fully 90% say they are English dominant and just 10% are bilingual.

Despite a decline in Spanish use across generations, there is widespread support for its use in the future. Overall, 88% of self-identified Hispanics and 64% of self-identified non-Hispanics with Hispanic ancestry say it is important that future generations of Hispanics living in the U.S. speak Spanish.

Connections to family’s country of origin fade across generations

Among self-identified Hispanics, connections with ancestral national origins decline as immigrant roots become more distant. Eight-in-ten immigrants (82%) who identify as Hispanics say they feel very or somewhat connected with their country of origin. About seven-in-ten (69%) second-generation Hispanics – the children of at least one immigrant parent – say the same. However, by the third generation, only 44% feel very or somewhat connected to their family’s country of origin.

Connections to the home country decline even further among non-Hispanic adults with Hispanic ancestry. Only about a third of them (34%) say they feel very or somewhat connected to their family’s country of origin, while two-thirds (65%) say they feel not very or not connected at all to these countries.

The Hispanic experience today

The contemporary experiences linked to the Hispanic background of self-identified Hispanics and non-Hispanics with Hispanic ancestry vary across generations in much the way their childhood and cultural experiences do.

Does having a Hispanic heritage create advantages or disadvantages in life?

The two Pew Research Center surveys asked respondents whether their Hispanic heritage has made a difference in their life. Overall, Hispanic heritage has had the greatest impact on the lives of second-generation Hispanics, half of whom (52%) say their Hispanic background has been an advantage in their lives. By contrast, just 28% of immigrant Hispanics and 24% of third or higher generation Hispanics say the same.

By contrast, just 11% of self-identified non-Hispanics say their Hispanic background has been mostly an advantage for them while 86% say it has not made a difference in their lives.

Majority of non-Hispanics with Hispanic ancestry think others see them as white

How do adults with Hispanic ancestry think strangers walking past them on the street would describe their background?

Among self-identified Hispanics, 78% of immigrants say strangers on the street would think they were Hispanic or Latino. That share falls to two-thirds among second-generation Hispanics and 46% among third or higher generation Hispanics.

The share falls even further, to just 7%, among U.S. adults with Hispanic ancestry who do not self-identify as Hispanic. Meanwhile, 59% say passersby on the street would describe them as white, and not Hispanic or Latino.

Experience with discrimination

The two surveys explored experiences with discrimination related to being Hispanic. And just as with other measures, experiences with discrimination are less frequent among higher generations of adults with Hispanic ancestry. Even so, 39% of self-identified Hispanics say they have felt discriminated against because of their Hispanic or Latino background.

Some 42% of self-identified Latino immigrants say they have experienced discrimination often (8%) or sometimes (34%) because of their Latino background. A similar share (38%) of second-generation Latinos say the same. Meanwhile 29% of third or higher generation Latinos say they have experienced the same level of discrimination.

By contrast, few self-identified non-Hispanics with Hispanic ancestry (7%) say they have experienced discrimination while 87% say they have never been discriminated against because of their Hispanic background.

How many Hispanic friends?

The composition of networks of friends varies widely across immigrant generations. Most (77%) immigrant Latinos say all or most of their friends are Latinos. But this share drops to 55% among second-generation self-identified Latinos and only 37% among third or higher generation self-identified Latinos.

Among self-identified non-Hispanics with Hispanic ancestry, 16% say all or most of their friends are Hispanic.

Living in Hispanic neighborhoods

The nation’s Hispanic population has become more dispersed in the past few decades and has grown to 58 million . As a result, in 500 of the nation’s more than 3,000 counties, Hispanics make up at least 15.0% of the local population . Yet, Hispanics are often living in neighborhoods that are largely Hispanic, especially in the South and in the West. The two surveys asked self-identified Hispanics and self-identified non-Hispanics with Hispanic ancestry about their neighborhoods.

Four-in-ten (39%) self-identified Hispanics say that “all” (10%) or “most” (30%) of their neighbors are Hispanics. By comparison, just 17% of self-identified non-Hispanics say the same, showing that non-Hispanics with Hispanic ancestry are more dispersed across the country than their Hispanic counterparts.

Among self-identified Latinos, the foreign born and the second generation are most likely to say that all or most of their neighbors share their heritage. Some 41% of both groups say this. The share that lives in largely Latino neighborhoods falls to 30% among third or higher generation self-identified Latinos.

The terms Hispanic and Latino are used interchangeably in this report as well as the terms “self-identified Hispanic” and “self-identified Latino.”

Self-identified Hispanics are U.S. residents who self-report that they are of Hispanic or Latino background. Self-identified non-Hispanics are U.S. residents who do not self-identify as Hispanic, but also say they have a parent or grandparent who are of Hispanic heritage.

Americans of Hispanic ancestry are those who either self-identify as Hispanic or Latino or say they have Hispanic ancestors but do not self-identify as Hispanic.

U.S. born refers to persons born in the United States and those born in other countries to parents at least one of whom was a U.S. citizen.

Foreign born refers to persons born outside of the United States to parents neither of whom was a U.S. citizen. For the purposes of this report, foreign born also refers to those born in Puerto Rico. Although individuals born in Puerto Rico are U.S. citizens by birth, they are included among the foreign born because they are born into a Spanish-dominant culture and because on many points their attitudes, views and beliefs are much closer to Hispanics born abroad than to Hispanics born in the 50 states or the District of Columbia, even those who identify themselves as being of Puerto Rican origin.

First generation refers to foreign-born people. The terms “foreign born,” “first generation” and “immigrant” are used interchangeably in this report.

Second generation refers to people born in the 50 states or the District of Columbia, with at least one first-generation, or immigrant, parent.

Third generation refers to people born in the 50 states or the District of Columbia, with both parents born in the 50 states or the District of Columbia and with at least one immigrant grandparent.

Third and higher generation refers to people born in the 50 states or the District of Columbia, with both parents born in the 50 states or the District of Columbia.

Fourth or higher generation refers to people born in the 50 states or the District of Columbia, with both parents and all four grandparents born in the 50 states or the District of Columbia.

• Measurement of racial and ethnic identity in the U.S. relies on survey respondents to self-identify their background. In the case of Hispanics, anyone who says they are Hispanic is counted as Hispanic . It also means some Americans may not self-identify as Hispanic even though they say they have Hispanic ancestors. ↩
• The Great Recession began in December 2007 and lasted until June 2009, according to the National Bureau of Economic Research’s Business Cycle Dating Committee, which defines national recessions. ↩
• Intermarriage rates in 2015 are based on the universe of different-gender married couples. In 1980, all marriages in government data are different-gender marriages. ↩
• Even though the intermarriage rate among Latinos is little changed, the number of Latinos married to non-Latinos has risen as the group’s population has grown, according to Pew Research Center estimates. In 1980, 931,000 married Latinos had a spouse who was not Latino. In 2015, that number had climbed to 2.9 million. ↩
• Past Pew Research Center National Surveys of Latinos surveys have found similar results . A majority of immigrant Latinos say they identify most with their country of origin. But by the third generation, about half say they identify most often as American. ↩
• This estimate differs from that published in other Pew Research Center reports on immigrant generations among Hispanics, since Puerto Ricans are considered foreign born in this report, but as U.S. born elsewhere. ↩
• These findings are little changed in 15 years of surveys of U.S. Hispanics. In 2002 , 54% said they first use their country of origin term to describe their identity, 24% first used “Hispanic” or “Latino,” and 21% say they first used American. In 2011 , 51% said they most often use their family’s country of origin term to describe themselves, 24% said “Hispanic” or “Latino” and 21% said American. ↩

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Key facts about u.s. latinos for national hispanic heritage month, latinos’ views of and experiences with the spanish language, who is hispanic, 11 facts about hispanic origin groups in the u.s., most popular, report materials.

• 2015 National Survey of Latinos

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